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Christian Duty Of Advocacy For Transformations Of Society "The Spirit Gave Them Power To Express Themselves" By
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I. Introduction
1. A Brief Historical Note: FABC and Advocacy
The Asian Bishops,
when they came together in 1970 in Manila, as a compact regional grouping
of national episcopal conferences, they resolved: "also to have the courage
to speak out for the rights of the disadvantaged and powerless against
all forms of injustices no matter from what source such abuse may come";
and they affirmed: "We will not tie our hands by compromising entanglements
with the rich and the powerful in our respective countries". Rather, a
powerful pledge of advocacy, indeed! Particularly, given the economic and
socio-political realities of that period, the late sixties and the early
seventies, when Asia was in the midst of a turmoil, and many of the incumbent
governments were prone towards subscribing to national security doctrine
of the Cold War dynamics. People in many countries were being brought under
those draconian laws that trampled upon human dignity. It was also the
period for the local churches in Asia to unpack gradually those fundamental
insights of the Second Vatican council. The Synod of 1971 on "Justice in
the World" gave a much-added impetus by proclaiming that, "action on behalf
of justice and participation in the transformation of the world fully appear
to us as a constitutive dimension of the preaching of the Gospel".
The Bishops Institute
for Social Action (1972) of the FABC took up this challenge of advocacy,
providing a veritable ecclesial space, specifically Asian, for formation,
reflection and action on relevant issues pertaining to justice, development
and human rights. The pedagogy adopted by BISA, facilitated a solidarity
option with the poor, understood as the primary victim of injustices. Even
though there have been gaps and breaches in sustaining the original intuition,
there were signs of renewed hope and courage, at times even the courage
to render apologies for complicity of silence under regimes of oppression
and exploitation. (Indonesian Bishops, 1999).
For instance, twenty
years later at Bandung, the Asian Bishops expressed: "It seems to us now
that in confrontation with Asian realities we have preached about values
which ought to be pursued, but have often failed to follow through with
effective action that would help dismantle structures of sin oppressive
of our peoples" (5th PA of FABC - 4.5). At the 6th PA of FABC in Manila,
once again an affirmation was made stating: "In a special way, we will
follow Jesus in his "preferential journey" with the poor and will assist
in the liberation of the materially poor ..." (6th PA of FABC - 14.2, 1995).
Equally important has been the initiatives in each one of the countries
by the local Churches in the struggle for justice, development and human
rights. It involved all the principal actors of the local churches to varying
degrees. It also meant sufferings and sacrifices for some, and anxiety
for many. "The particular churches in Asia are now deeply involved in the
work of human promotion and liberation. They support refugees, migrants,
oppressed classes, tribals and landless. They promote and defend the legal
rights of minorities and the marginalised as part of the mission of the
Church". (SSA - Lin.15, 1998).
2. "A foundational event": Special Assembly for Asia 1998
A remarkable and timely
opportunity was provided for the Church in Asia, when Pope John Paul II
convoked those "series of continental Synods" (TMA 38, 1994) in view of
the Jubilee Year 2000. As the Pope expressed it: "There is also a need
for a better appreciation and understanding of the signs of hope present
in the last part of the century, even though they often remain hidden from
our eyes." (TMA 46, 1994).
The local Churches
in Asia plunged into the preparations for this "preferential journey",
expressing their hopes, expectations and experiences.
The preparatory document
pointed out that "all over Asia there is a growing awareness of the people's
power to change existing unjust structures of society." (SSA 98 - Lin.4)
The responses provided affirmed it in the working document (iL, 1998) starting,
"People are growing in their respect for human rights and they want to
demand their rights from governments and institutions of power". (iL 10).
It also stated: "There is a growing lack of respect for human rights and
human life itself" (iL 9) and reaffirmed that" the Church has been able
to show herself on the Asian continent to be a defender of human dignity
and rights. (iL 22).
The Synodal event
during April-May, 1998 in Rome offered ample occasions for the Asian Bishops
to express their view points on a whole range of issues from the perspectives
that have evolved over the years. In this connection, it was worthwhile
to listen to the concluding remarks, formulated by one of the President-delegates.
(Holy See Press Release No.29, 13.5.98).
II. The Asian Landscape
At the very outset, the Exhortation
makes the call to "a new commitment to mission (EAsia 4) amidst "the diverse
and complex realities of Asia", particularly within the context of "a growing
awareness throughout Asia of people's capacity to change unjust structures".
(EAsia 8). Equally it points out that "a critical awareness of the diverse
and complex realities of Asia is essential" (EAsia 5), and that "the Church
always needs to have an exact understanding of the political situation
in the different countries where she seeks to fulfil her mission". (EAsia
8). Hence it will be pertinent to look at the Asian reality which is constantly
being transformed into newpolitical, economic, cultural, social, religious
and environmental configurations whose contours keep shifting. By no means
are these linear and peaceful transformations. Moreover, they are happening
rapidly. Some of them are tragically conflictive. Some would even go to
the extent of saying that it is a harsh reality. Along with others, we
all share the same reality and are asked to mediate within this reality.
God speaks to all of us through this reality and the Spirit is at work
within this reality. The Exhortation acknowledges that the sense of "being
Asian" is built around the core of "an innate spiritual insight and moral
wisdom," and is best described and affirmed not in confrontation and opposition,
but in a spirit of complementarily and harmony". With this understanding
we are also called upon to renew the Church in Asia through its" mission
of love and service". (Theme of the Jubilee Assembly).
1. Political Configuration
(i) Centennial Count down:
In today's political
vocabulary linked to globalization, "good governance" has become the centre
piece prescribing the linkages to trade, finance and investment. It is
not an unknown term for the Asian polity, who in the distant past had evolved
statecraft into a highly developed discipline linking ethics, politics
and religions with codes of conduct, particularly for the bureaucracy.
There were semblances of local rule by communities at the level of villages.
A system of judiciary was in place. Also, one found systems of distribution
for goods and services. Inspite of centralisation through monarchy, the
governed had their own outlets for self expression. There was also much
discrimination often sanctioned by religions. All these systems discontinued,
when invasion and trade overtook governance, resulting in colonialism for
hundreds of years. "Many have been wounded by the colonial past." (SSA,
1998).
When one looks at
the last hundred years in Asia, the first half can be characterised as
the struggle against colonialism, implantation of an outward looking economic
system, the devastation experienced through the great wars and the emergence
of different ideologies within Asia. In the Second half, the major achievement
has been the processes of decolonisaiton under the right to self determination
and the emergence of the modem Nation-State since the late forties in all
parts of Asia with various persuasions. The newly formed UN system supervised
these transitions, globally. There was the attempt to categorise those
emerging states in relation to their levels of economicstatics as "developed"
and "under developed" (Truman doctrine 1949), which has come to stay creating
its own dynamics of aid, trade and development. More attention was given
to what was then defined as "Development". The closing stages of the first
half witnessed the universal declaration of human rights, the first of
its kind in human history, as well as the beginnings of the cold war, that
lasted into the late eighties. The state was considered the principal agent
for development in Asian countries and elsewhere.
The first three decades
of the second half of the 20th Century in Asia witnessed a number of interconnected
developments.
(ii) A "new" wave of democratic governance
Not only was there a push towards
democracy, but different patterns of relationships emerged between nation-States,
since 1989. For Asia, 1989 came to symbolise a grim reminder of totalitarianism
in the form of the Tien An Man massacre. A benchmark of these new patterns,
was the pressure towards linking democracy and human rights, urging governments
to ratify the international human rights instruments. "A majority of governments
have made legally building commitments to respect the civil and political
rights of their citizens" (WBDR 1999/2000). Only very few Asian governments
have ratified all the eight major international human rights instruments
- Nepal, the Philippines and Sri Lanka. All of them have ratified the convention
on the Rights of the Child (1990). On the other hand, the Asian Governments
have yet to agree on a common charter of human rights for the region with
relevant regional mechanisms. The only region lacking such regional human
rights arrangements. Around mid-nineties, there were attempts by some of
the Asian leaders, especially those prone to autocratic regimes to water
down these initiatives for the promotion of human rights through emphasis
on particularity and cultural relativism. There was nervousness in facing
upto the evolving global human rights regime.
Understanding this "new" wave
of democracy and some attempts at democratisation is an important feature
of our political configuration that keeps changing the contours of society.
"For a region in which everyone is supposed to be more interested in making
money rather than playing politics, Asia is showing a remarkable burst
of political activity "(GW 14.10.99). Singapore which has its own forms
of social engineering is "cautiously loosening its hold on the people".
"People will be at the heart of government policy in the Singapore of the
next millennium". (President Nathan of Singapore 1999). There have been
a whole series of elections during 1999, the most striking one being in
Indonesia during June 1999 and what followed. "So pronounced was the demand
for change among the people that their elected representatives could not
but reflect that sentiment". (V. Jayanth, Hindu 27.11.99). And "when the
youth found their leader defeated through a political game, they returned
to the streets and threatened renewed violence across the country". (Jayanth)
The result is well known. Commenting on it, the Institute of South East
Asian Studies says, "it is the people, particularly the youth, who are
craving for more political space and change. This generation has traveled
across the world and seen other systems. They want their voice to be heard
and leaders who have their ears to the ground will listen. If not, they
cannot remain in power". In some countries, there has been serious efforts
to make a complete break with the past, like in South Korea with many obstacles.
Some would add that "the difference between the last wave of democratisation
(since the mid-eighties) and the earlier phase is supposed to be that economic
change has prepared the way for democracy in a way that it had not in the
50s and the 60s". Moreover, growing urbanization, better political literacy
and expanding middle class form a basic premise for survival of democracy.
The challenge remains one of integrating, in many societies "an impoverished
urban underclass growing more rapidly and seeking political participation"
and the marginalised rural masses. Even though they count more seriously
as "vote banks", they remain "disconnected". The youth accustomed to new
ways of life and attitudes, have no personal memories of the most striking
events and personalities of the past. This rupture with the past is a key
ingredient, coupled with other socio cultural factors of changing societal
and familial relationships and new forms of communications.
"The real test for the region
will be Myanmar. When will the generals see the writing on the wall and
listen to the people? It is more than a decade since they seized power
and suppressed democracy". (Jayanth) In China, there is a gradual erosion
of its ideological Puritanism through semi-religious and economic forces.
The next generation of Chinese leaders will have less to do with Mao and
Deng. Yet, there are also unexpected stages of backlash like the reinstatement
of military rule in Pakistan. In West Asia, there are distinct signals,
like in Iran to move towards democratisation, gradually dismantling the
earlier theocratic regime. Some still survive holding on to one-man rule.
Central Asia the experiences are recent and the political fault lines are
many for cohesive democracy. On the whole, people have become more conscious
of their rights and entitlements. They have realised that unless they struggle
for and demand these rights, they will not get them. "This should be seen
as a sign of maturity in people's consciousness that enhances a better
chance towards democratic process". In spite of political manipulations
and money based politics, it suggests that more people believe today that
their vote can make a difference. A pattern of citizenship is evolving
in Asia.
(iii) Shifts within national Polity
Within this configuration, there
are other important trends that are clearly noticeable. Cone are those
earlier political formations, some of them associated with "emanicipatory
nationalism". Most of them have been discarded in most of the Asia countries,
yielding place to coalitions for governance, often with a common agenda
on economic policies. The desirability is to move towards pluralism or
plurality in politics, accommodating even the most disparate factors and
factions. Often the previous discourse on State ideology has been abandoned.
A case in point are the coalition in power, in India and in Indonesia.
Their central feature is to survive in a situation of uncertainty and fear.
Increasingly many external actors are influencing this dramatic change
in party politics.
Nationalism and party ideologies
have altered their discourse. Some of them highly disturbing, given the
faultlines within the national polity of Asian States. In certain cases,
it is often articulated in pathological forms of religio-nationalism and
ethno-nationalism which leads to internal religious and ethnic conflicts
and massive and flagrant violations of human rights. It may also have a
form of discrimination directed against others in multireligious and multiethnic
societies, and is used by the state, seen as a property of one ethnic or
religious groups in order to achieve greater cohesion or consolidation
by the creation of images of "internal enemies". In certain circumstances,
it provides a fertile breeding ground for militant forms of fundamentalism.
The vulnerable groups of the country are brought in to bear the brunt of
such conflicts, leading to the destruction of civilian lives. "The nation
State must respond to the identity urges of its constituent communities
and to their legitimate quest for security and social justice. The problem
is one of reconciling nationalist demands with the exercise of democracy".
(I. Ahmed) How to construct a responsible, effective, honest polity under
these circumstances?
"Nation is not a built but
a felt community and that nation is a community incommunication. It is
the end product of a process. (Prof. Oommen) By making 'nation' and 'State'
synonymous, many Asian governments are unable to negotiate, both politically
and through diplomatic means, the on going conflicts in Asia within each
country. Most of those conflicts which are primarily internal to a country,
have gone on for decades, and governments have been adamant except to draw
political mileage. "Of the 61 major assumed conflicts fought between 1989
and 1998 only three were between states - the rest were civil." (HDR 1999).
Solutions are postponed and resort to the use of force under various pretensions
becomes the order of the day. This phase of militarisation is highly disturbing
in a democracy. This ambiguity needs to be settled by taking a fresh look
at the right to self-determination beyond its habitual interpretations
of sovereignty and territorial integrity. Its implementation within a context
of pluralism should facilitate reconciliation and conflict prevention.
As the Indonesian Bishops put it, in Indonesia's pluralistic society, differences
between people should be seen as a gift that enriched all" (Let us change",
Nov. 99). Equally strong are the pressures from other "sub national" (Province,
state etc.) levels of governance within a state towards decentralization
and better repatriation of resources and revenues. These have also been
serious matters of contention in current day "plural politics". Gradually,
it is beginning to change with pressures even coming from outside. It aims
at broader distribution of power that would facilitate a more participatory
governance rather that the usual one that stops with 'for the people'.
"Strategies to stop decentralization are unlikely to succeed, as the pressures
to decentralize are beyond government control" (WBDP 1999/2000). In fact,
the thrust is going to be towards more localization, as democracy shifts
towards the third tier, namely, local self-government and fiscal reallocation.
Such practices are evolving in a number of countries in Asia. Along with
gender mainstreaming, it is going to be a more involved exercise of democratisation.
In this context, the role and function of the civil society as the interface
between people and state becomes more relevant and timely.
(iv) The State under Globalisation
While the trends enumerated
so far may appear to be part of a historical process within a given country,
more striking has been the phenomenon of globalization, particularly through
its three pronged mechanisms of privatisation, deregulation and liberalisation.
The recent crisis perpetrated through financial liberalisation have demonstrated
the powerlessness of most of the nation states globally.
The economic crisis has shown
that it is a much more broader phenomenon that is not merely economic but
also "a cultural and political phenomena because what one finds at its
roots, as the driving force of globalization are cultural phenomena and
political events." (Ricupero, UNCTAD Secretary General).
The globalization of finance
and liberalisation of trade have seriously affected the role of the nation
state, whereby sovereignty of control and regulation is transferred to
multilateral institutions and inter governmental bodies. This is not the
same as the UN system with its Economic and social council and the various
specialised agencies. Take for instance, the well known structural adjustment
policies (SAPs) that were introduced by the World Bank since the seventies.
Evaluating it, one the UNCHR Independent experts stated: "At the political
level, large number of countries have ceded their sovereignty and their
right to determine their countries' development independently by the multilateral
institutions." (E/CN.4/1999/50).
Recently, the Thai government
banned the import of foreign cigarettes on health grounds. The embargo
was challenged by the US (on behalf of Philip Morris) and a World Trade
Organisation (WTO) disputes panel the (panel is made up of technocrats)
ruled against the ban. Compliance was enforced. There are many such instances.
This highlights a number of interconnected issues that have surfaced in
the current Market - State binomial. Market mechanisms have been prising
away at the political level, with sovereignty being divided among a plurality
of agencies. "It is no longer a context of sealed frontiers and isolated
regions but is one of integrated global system". (McGrew).
The very ability of the State
to intervene effectively in key areas of its responsibility has been more
and more openly challenged. Even the competence of the State is questioned
in terms of market efficiency. There is a clear and constant retreat of
the State from the economic sphere, particularly, Trade, Finance and Investment.
Waves of growing privatisation have not only affected nationalised entrepreneurial
activities but also the public services. Coupled with it, is the strong
retreat at a normative level, whereby the state has to comply to uniform
measures of standardisation, fabricated by those multilateral bodies -
the IMF, the WB and the WTO.
More important than the above
'trinity' - the WB, the IMF & the WTO are the multinationals (TNCs)
who control not only the mode of production in a multiplicity of sectors
but also the means of production. They now account for two-thirds of the
world trade in goods and services. 'Multinationals own or control 86 percent
of the world's land that is cultivated for export corps". They are also
highly selective. For example, in 1995, two thirds of their total investment
inflows went to only ten countries. "With the sovereignty of nation states
eroding and global government nowhere in sight, transnational corporations
have taken advantage of this vacuum to become truly global in their reach".
(Faith in a global Economy, WCC R. Drimmelen 1998) "The recent wave of
mergers and acquisitions is concentrating industrial power in megacorporations
- at the risk of eroding competition". (HDR 1999, UNDP) In the framework
of TNC's interests, a new legal instrument, known as the multilateral agreement
on Investments (MAI) was crafted. It was meant to be a charter of rights
for corporations that would have effectively restricted the ability of
national government to regulate them and promoted greater legal security
and protection for investment by multinationals overriding national laws.
It would have imposed burdensome obligations on the host countries, leaving
their own population unprotected. Thanks to the synergetic efforts of civil
society, including church and religious groups, the European parliament
stopped this MAI initiative (Dec. 1988). The processual aspects in this
connection demonstrated that "the benefits of development are localised
in the hands of a powerful coterie of economic actors, excluding the vast
majority of human kind. In form and in substance, the MAI represented the
ultimate negation of the basic principles of fundamental human rights".
The WTO would still like to pursue it. And the multinationals are the primary
actors pushing their agenda through their home governments.
Similarly, the heightened flows
of capital (Speculation) ignore, basic obligations of states to protect
resources and the human rights of all persons resident within the territory
of the state. (Prof. Oloka Onyango). "The exit of huge amounts can more
than devalue its currency. It can savage its economy, destabilise its government
and enhance the risks of war and dictatorship". The Asian Crisis "has dramatically
demonstrated the fact that to let these forces loose without any oversight
or control will have devastating social and economic consequences. The
implications far civil and political rights are also quite for reaching"
(Prof. O. Onyango, Uganda). At the same time, the State is called on to
be transparent and politically accountable. (Seoul Forum, 1998).
On the other hand foreign direct
investment (FDI) is replacing Aid assistance substantially. "As many third
world governments become more and more accountable to external creditors
than their own people, the rift between state and society even become wider".
(Chern 1999). The decline of the State is a central principle of neo-liberal
ideology. While trying to appease the outside the Asian states are increasingly
caught in a state of permanent tension. From a human rights perspective
the state is the central entity that is responsible for the promotion and
protection of all fundamental freedoms. This is a crisis point of our times
concerning the State. Are there alternatives to it, especially given the
encouraging thrust towards democratization? Prescriptions of good governance
need to be handled, cautiously, given the pattern of relationships that
are limited more to geo-political concerns rather than for a global common
good.
There are many explanations
as well about this crisis of the state of our times. Prof. Ashish Nandy,
(India) points out "The crisis of Modern state springs primarily from the
contradiction that has arisen between it (state) and the demands for democratization
of the world of knowledge and restoration of the dignity of peoples peripheralized
during the last 200 years". Today the state is "locked into global networks
and systems which directly and indirectly affect the lives of their citizens
over which no single State can, by itself, exert effective control" (Antony
McGrew). Some would even say that the contemporary crisis is "a product
of its (State) shouldering the political costs of globalization" in comparison
to the 50s and the 60s.
In this connection, it is equally
worthwhile to keep in focus another important trend since the 90s. especially
in relation to global Security. We have witnessed in 1999, forms of humanitarian
intervention in Kosoro and in East Timor. In Kosov, NATO forces went into
action for "compelling humanitarian reasons" to prevent ethnic cleansing
without the approval of the UN security council. In East Timor, Even though
delayed, a similar intervention took place with the approval of the UN
security council. There is a growing initiative in this direction. Prof
Galbraith states, "in a human world order we must have a mechanism to suspend
sovereignty when this is necessary to protect human suffering and disaster.
"Recently, fifty four countries of Europe under the organization for security
and co-operation (OSCE) took a vital step in that direction in Istanbul
formulating a new doctrine of intervention in this direction. It does undermine
the foundations of the UN system. Dr. Henry Kissinger commented: "It is
a question of a group of nations claiming to apply a universal jurisdiction
which is not shared by the majority of mankind". Prof. Galbraith was advocating
a more universal approach of humanitarian intervention within the framework
of the UN charter, which is accepted to-day by 188 nation States. Given
the major thrust of a global human rights regime and fast evolving global
civil society, it is important to address this new development, which goes
beyond prevailing forms of sanctions and containment, Even though, it may
appear far fetched. "There is humanitarian interference, justified by the
increase of poverty and misery. Themselves resulting from the accumulation
model. There is the interference in the name of human rights, whose violations
are also due - even if it is not the exclusive case to the social injustices
amplified by globalization". (F.Houtart, 1999).
Even those regional groupings
that have emerged in the nineties linking Asia to other regions like the
APEC, ASEM etd. as well as those like ASEAN and SAARC, of earlier decades
have been pushed into directions different from their original economic
moorings. These regional groupings are emerging in their own way as fora
for negotiations and lobbying. Being a get together of the highest leadership,
social movements, civil society and NG0s have been visibly present at these
gatherings canvassing for a whole range of issues, including a buildup
of informed public opinion on specific issues. "They (regional blocs) can
be defense mechanisms for the most vulnerable countries or instruments
in the hands of the most powerful ones - to increase their weight in competition
between the strong ones or to better intergrate the peripheral countries"
(F.Houtart). The recent APEC gathering in New Zealand turned out to be
a negotiating platform for the humanitarian intervention in East Timor.
Their potential needs are to be explored, further. In recent years, human
rights has entered into the agenda of ASEAN at the highest levels with
proposals to establish human right mechanisms. How do we situate ourselves
into these fora of regional cooperation? A fact clearly indicated in the
working document of the synod expressing the hope that "disputes between
countries are more and more frequently settled through negotiations rather
than armed conflicts". (iL. 10, 1998).
(v) The Church, the State and Democracy
"In 1864 Pins IX drew up his
famous syllabus of Errors a catalogue of 80" principal errors of our time",
including socialism, liberalism and all forms of democracy". (Tablet, 3.1.98).
A hundred years from then, the Second Vatican council came out with "Gaudium
et spes "(1965) devoting an entire chapter on "the political community"
mentioning "In our times profound transformations are to be noticed in
the structure and institutions of peoples; they are the accompaniment of
cultural, economic and social development. These transformations exercise
a deep influence on political life, particularly as regards the rights
and duties of the individual in the exercise of civil liberty and in the
achievement of the common good; and they affect the organization of the
relations of citizens with each other and of their position vis-a-vis the
state". (GS 73).
What we have as political realities
of contemporary Asia falls very much in line with the conciliar vision.
In the subsequent years there
has been a steady evolution of interpreting "the signs of the times" in
the political sphere by the Church, both universal and local. Particularly,
since the nineties, it has picked up speed and direction - a clear vocational
choice. Pope John Paul II has emerged as a leading global advocate especially
when be wrote his third social encyclical, "Centesimus Annus" in 1991,
commented by Cardinal Etchegaray as "a farsightedness deeply rooted in
Gospel". An important focal point was on "a current point of view on the
"new things" which surround us today leading towards a chapter on "State
and culture" (Chap V CA). It is a timely reflection on a "sound theory
of state", already mentioned in Rerum Novarum 27. Therein, the Pope says:
"The Church values the democratic system inasmuch as it ensures the participation
of citizens in making political choices, guarantees to the governed the
possibility both of electing and holding accountable those who govern them,
and of replacing them through peaceful means when appropriate "(CA 46,
1991), and proceeds to elaborate on "authentic democracy", "democracy and
human rights" (CA 47, 1991) and "the state's economic role" (CA 48, 1991)
etc. Again, in "Veritatis Splendour" (1993), the Pope writing under "morality
and the renewal of social and political life", mentions, "in the face of
serious forms of social and economic-injustice and political corruption
affecting entire peoples and nations there is a growing reaction of indignation
on the part of very many people whose fundamental human rights have been
trampled upon and held in contempt, "(VS 98). Proceeding further, the Pope
raises the issue, of "truthfulness in the relations between those governing
and those governed" (VS 101).
Going a step further, in his
address to the UN on its fiftieth anniversary in New York the Pope canvassed
for "the rights of nations" boldly, pointing out, "that war (W.W.II) was
fought because of violations of the rights of nations," and called for
a new "international agreement" on "the rights of nations". He asked the
UN that "this situation must be carefully pondered, for it raises urgent
questions about justice and freedom in the world to day. After emphasising
the need to rethink on state in relation to 'nation' and the right to self-determination,
the pope stressed the role of "culture that enables a nation to survive
the loss of political and economic independence". (JP II, 5.10.95).
At the beginning of 1999, the
Holy Father once again came out strongly on "the right to participate"
in the political domain, stating "this is a conviction generally shared
today". He also reminded, that "this right means nothing when the democratic
process breaks down because of corruption and favoritism, which not only
obstruct legitimate sharing in the exercise of power but also prevent people
benefiting equally from community assets and services, to which everyone
has a right" (World Peace Day Message, 1999). Where do we go from here?
What can we advocate along with others, considering sociopolitical advocacy
is a privileged locus of religio-spiritual experience of Christians?
2. The Economic Transformations
(i) Primacy of Economy: Asian Crisis some and Recovery
Some months back a
Indian national daily The Hindu published an exchange of views between
Prof. Amartyaoen the Nobel laureate and Mr. James Wolfensohn of the World
Bank. One, a renowned economist and another at the helm of global development
as President of the World Bank group. The exchange was on "Development:
A coin with Two sides" It stated". "One favours a hardnosed, even fierce
approach, emphasising scarifies to be made for the sake of better tomorrow,
and advocating tough macroeconomic medicine (ex.SAP-structural Adjustment
Policy). Unfortunately, this is often accompanied by an almost calculated
neglect of urgent social concerns, seen as "soft headed". This view often
perceives social safety nets, social services, even human rights as a folly,
perhaps highminded, but folly all the same. Set against this is an alternative
outlook that sees development as an essentially friendly process, based
on initially beneficial exchange, complemented by the working of social
protection systems, of freedoms of laws and of judicial systems that can
cam the confidence and respect of citizens". Prof. A. Sen has been a steadfast
advocate of viewing development from the "freedom" aspect, and sees "development
is a process of expansion of human capabilities to live in ways we have
reasons to value". (PCJP 1992-social and Ethical aspects of Economics).
In today's globalized
economy, as Francois Chesnais of LMD puts it. "In elevating the economy
to an independent sphere with the supposed function of governing the whole
society, neo-liberalism has attempted to abstract it from its political
and social underpinnings". The Pope shares this view in "Ecclesia in Ameria"
(1999) stating, "a system known as "neoliberalism" prevails; based on a
purely economic conception of man, this system considers profit and the
law of the market as its only parameters, to the detriment of the dignity
of and the respect due to individuals and peoples". (Eccl. America 56,
1999) On the other hand, "The freedom centred view of development is foundationally
more secure and allows us to see more clearly the role of the State even
in a market-driven economy". (Prof. A Sen, 1999).
Taking the case of
Indonesia and South Korea, Prof. Sen says that "when their economics were
improving, the underprivileged may not have noticed the lack of individual
freedom, but once these economics went into crisis, there was renewed assertion
for greater individual freedom. This was very clearly seen in Indonesia,
while South Korea had moved over to a more democratic regime under the
present leadership", he added. (Hindu, 21.8.99).
Much has been written
about the crisis in Asia which beginning at the financial level spread
rapidly to all spheres of economic activity and finally, encompassing all
levels. "The contagion that subsequently took place were not envisaged
and the policy responses were correspondingly disappointing. The actions
taken initially followed traditional approaches, with adjustments being
made as shortcomings were exposed. The policies initially adopted to address
the crisis abruptly reversed much of the long-term progress that had been
achieved in reducing poverty and improving social conditions "(The World
Economic and social Survey, 1999). The survey stressed "the need to ensure
that the social dimension is integrated into the formulation of economic
policy". Speaking about it, Pope john Paul H pointed out: "The effects
of the recent economic and financial crises have had heavy consequences
for countless people, reduced to conditions of extreme poverty. Many of
them had only just reached a position which allowed them to look to the
future with optimism. Through no fault of their own, they have seen these
hopes cruelly dashed, with tragic results for themselves and their children".
(WPDM, 1999).
Today, there is much
talk about recovery in relation to the Asian economies. "On one hand, the
people of Indonesia, are sinking into still deeper poverty, and there are
acres of empty buildings from Bangkok to Shanghai. On the other, markets
are booming and visiting investors are saying, "I really feel good about
Asia". (GW 9.5.99).
The HDR 1999 states,
"An analysis of more than 300 economic crisis in more than 80 countries
since 1973 shows that output growth recovered to pre-crisis levels in one
year on average. But real wage growth took about four years to recover,
and employment growth five years". In other words, "human recovery will
take longer." "In Indonesia, the poorest country affected, an additional
40 million people (or 20% of the population) are estimated to have fallen
into poverty. In Korea and Thailand poverty is expected to rise, with 12%
of the population affected in each country - 5.5 million in Korea and 6.7
million in Thailand". (HDR 1999, UNDP). The report covers a whole range
of human costs said to be 'wide ranging" and "widespread".
Even with recovery
in economic terms - "output growth and macro-economic balances", millions
of people in those countries of East and South East Asia will remain "disconnected".
Almost 70 percent of the world's poor live in Asia, where an extra billion
people are expected to be added to the population. "Clearly, the battle
against poverty has to be won in Asia" (Chino, ADB Nov'99, IHT). The same
emphasis was made in the exhortation. "The persistent reality of poverty
and the exploitation of people are matters of the most urgent concern".
(Eccl. Asia. 7).
(ii) Globalized Economy: Disparities and Discrepancies
The globalized economy
has led to huge and accelerating income and wealth disparities among nations,
and social classes within nations, "Creating new risks of marginalisation
and vulnerability". "Recent research on complex humanitarian emergencies
concluded that "horizontal inequalities" between groups whether ethnic,
religious or social - are the major causes of the current wave of civil
conflicts. Inequalities - matter not only in incomes but in political participation,
in economic assets and in social conditions." (HDR 1999) Income inequalities
also grew markedly in China, Indonesia, Thailand and other East and South
East Asian Countries that had achieved high growth".
"In 1981 the share
of the national income of the richest 10 percent of Thais was 17 times
that of the poorest 10 percent; by 1992, the multiple was 38". (Drimmelen)
Inequalities have become worldwide, and we see that "the assets of the
3 richest people are more than the combined GNP of the 48 least developed
countries. (HDR 1999). "World inequalities have been rising steadily for
nearly two countries" (HDR 1999) and the polarisation taking place today
is dangerous. Nobody talks about them. Measured in relation to world income
distribution, the distance between the richest and the poorest nations
have become from 3 to 1 in 1820 to 72 to 1 in 1992 (HDR 1991). If we look
at the distance between the poorest individuals of the rich countries and
the richest of the poor countries - the per capita income of the 10% poorest
in Germany is US$ 7,709 (Purchasing power parity PPP). Germany's figure
compares with the US$ 3,228 in India of the upper 20%. It is greater than
the GNP per capita (PPP) of Malaysia (US $ 6,990). (WB 1999). This is one
of the two big trends that will shape the 21st Century, if transformations
of drastic nature are not introduced. Otherwise, inequalities will only
accelerate the already growing phenomenon of exclusion under globalisation.
More alarming are
the inequalities in ownership patterns through market mechanisms. The top
ten agrochemical multinationals control 85% of the global agrochemical
market, and out of them, the top five control virtually the entire market
for genetically modified seeds. Much of the export corps from land ownership
onwards, is in their hands.
"These multinationals
have direct impact on access to food because they have vertically integrated
the global food chain, from the seed (production) to the kitchen (consumption)
through Trade related property rights which is based on private rights
(V. Shiva). The battle continues, aided by their home countries to remove
agricultural trade barriers and to open the doors for liberalisation of
trade in agricultural products. This will be done under the supervision
of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). According to OECD, each US farmer
receives a subsidy of about US $ 29,000/- or 80. This is more than 120
times the average income of a corn farmer in the Philippines, who is gradually
or, at times, drastically eliminated. (GW) Now, who needs the level playing
field? "Corn is making waves in South East Asia, the habitual paddy growing
region. Corn is replacing paddy, becoming the most important corps. It
is private sector's favourite crop. "Governments are beckoning multinational
corporations and allowing them to use southeast Asia's rich paddy lands
as production lines for factory farmers and testing grounds for their genetically
- modified crops. In the process, farmers are becoming mere slaves of industry
and regional food security is be-coming increasingly threatened". (GRAIN
- Seedling, Sept. 1999). Cereal imports are increasing within the Asian
region, whose culture is very much centred around rice. That being said,
genetically modified food is an unsettled commodity and there are enough
choices objecting its widespread usage. "GM crops may be bad news for the
industrialised world, but they present far greater threat to countries
in the south, where peoples' livelihoods are so much were closely linked
to their ability to grow food and where local markets are crucial to community
Survival. "(Seedling, Sept. '99). Lest we forget, the bulk of the Asian
people are mostly rural based. During the crisis, those who made the exodus
from urban centres within those affected countries, were forced to return
to their villages for survival.
Here we see another
paradox of globalized economy, steered by multilaterals and multinationals.
As one that journalist pointed out: "Labourers who wanted to return to
farming could not do so due to low market prices for agricultural products.
Most farmers are now deep in debt. The World Bank rejects a policy of subsidies
for farm products saying that it will create dependencies. However, the
World Bank pushes the government to subsidise the bad debts of financial
institutions". (National Outlook, Oct. '99). "Today the business community
stands to gain, most from the opportunities offered by globalization".
(Mgr. Diarmnid Martin, ECOSOC 1998).
Along with the WTO,
those multilateral institutions like the IMF and the WB of the global triad
are pushing ahead all the primary mechanisms of economic and financial
globalisation. The processes started, nearly four decades ago in many parts
of the world. One of the major policy instruments of the WB is the well-known
structural adjustment policy (SAP) that launched the developmental model
of economic growth without integrating genuinely the social dimensions
of human development. As a Thai journalist noted "Over the past four decades,
the WB has imposed free market ideologies on developing countries. This
helped to make economic disparity a global problem. Many academics and
NGOs (in Thailand) see the WB as instrumental in the country's four decade
development process which expanded the bureaucracy and corruption while
decreasing genuine participation. Now in order to impose "good governance
"agenda, the WB blames inefficient, non-transparent and corrupt public
institutions for the economic collapse". (National Outlook, Oct. 99).
A study undertaken
by an Independent Expert, Mr. F. Cheru (USA) for the UN Commission on Human
Rights on the SAP and its effects on economic, social and cultural rights
stated: "A careful review of the literature points to the conclusion that
SAPs have had a distinct economic, social and political impact. At the
economic level, it has led to a significant erosion of the living standard
of the poor and that investment in the productive sectors of many countries
have dwindled; For the majority, economic recession means increasingly
inadequate diet, insufficient income to feed and educate children, and
mounting susceptibility to diseases". (April 1999, Geneva). He also said
that the context in which SAPs have been applied is largely motivated to
ensure that debtor nations fulfill their interest and principal payments
to creditor institutions. These draconian policies, for example, produced
a staggering net transfer of financial transfers US $155 billion between
1984-1990 from the poor South to the North". Recent debt relief efforts
are important, yet "the crisis faced by developing countries will not be
resolved unless the policies of "orthodox" adjustment policies are fundamentally
rewritten, compatible with human rights and environmental goals". (Chern,
1999). He advocated "adjustment with transformation", that should be geared
to start the broad process of human development and empowerment. It must
place emphasis on alleviating poverty and meeting basis needs of the people,
who are the principal resources to build on", and that "adjustment with
transformation' must ensure that the people have a significant voice in
shaping how development policies in general are formulated and implemented.
There is rarely commitment by the people to any policy which is imposed
from above or from outside by those who assert that they have the knowledge
and arrogate to themselves the authority to decide for others. Only when
people are allowed to participate in decision making can development be
seen as a liberating process" (Chern, April 1999).
These are also the
voices of advocacy that "Ecclesia in Asia" expresses in sec. 32 under Catholic
Social Teaching. "This in response to the real situation of the world's
peoples, as well as to an increased consciousness that not just the actions
of individuals but also the structures of social, political and economic
life are often inimical to human well being" (Ecd. Asia. 32. 1999). Along
those lines, the Pope raises a key challenge of our times.
"The rapid advance
towards the globalisation of economic and financial systems also illustrates
the urgent need to establish who is responsible for guaranteeing the global
common good and the exercise of economic and social rights. The free market
by itself cannot do this, because in fact there are many human needs which
have no place in the market" A fact which is affirmed in the HDR 1999 that
says that "The market does not reward activities pertaining to caring for
fellow human beings and in fact penalises individuals who spend time in
these activities, for they forego income they could have earned in other
activities that the market rewards".
Slowly but certainly,
these voices are being heard at the higher segments of multinationals and
multilaterals. Our sees frequently Mr. Wolfensohn (WB) and Mr. Cadlessus
(IMF) in serious consultations with the civil society including religious
groups, social movements, NGOs, trade unions etc. Such conversations are
seeping into the boardrooms of these powerful bodies, effecting discernible
shifts in terms of policy and strategy. A central issue emerging is one
of urgent need of reform of existing forms of global economic governance.
Some may sound rhetoric. Yet, there is a change. But there are also "disappointing
gaps between the visions and the ground reality of these institutions"
(Washington Colloquium, 1999).
Similar observations
can be made also of the UN system and its specialized agencies. During
the 90s, there have been a series of world summits hosted by one or the
other of these agencies in the fields for human rights, labour, environment,
social development, women, human settlements etc. As Mr. Juan Somavia,
D.G. of the ILO puts it: "The sum of these activities does not produce
a whole". There is a need for an integrated analytical frame work that
overcomes sectoral fragmentation, reaching out to the people. "The benefits
of the global economy seem to be blocked somewhere and are not reaching
enough people" (Somavia, June 1999). Who will do it?
"The design of the
new global financial architecture (a central component of global economic
governance) is not simply an economic or financial task, because the present
global financial crisis is a symptom of deeper cultural crisis in contemporary
civilization itself. The answer to this cultural crisis lies in a new global
ethics created out of genuine inter-cultural and inter-religious dialogue"
(Washington Colloquim, Oct.99).
3. The Socio - Cultural Shifts
Cultural Invasion
& Knowledge Economy
The Asian synodal
fathers rightly talked about a "cultural invasion". Some perceive clearly
that globalisation is providing a uniform meaning to fundamental questions
of life through its knowledge based economy. Where there has been diversity
and heterogeneity, standardisation is imposed in almost all aspects of
life. "Knowledge technology" not only reconfigures society but in the process,
fragments society. There is a loss of shared values and meanings. The knowledge
economy is not just about computers but about the way that knowledge is
created, communicated and consumed. "Knowledge workers" operate anywhere,
anytime"(K. Suter, National Outlook, July 1999).
The recent HDR 1999
Report that emphasises "globalization with a human face", after underlining
that the global gap between know nots, is widening", says," knowledge is
the new asset: more than half of the GDP in the major OECD countries is
now knowledge based" and highly privatised. It is "a fast growing area
of global economy, shaping the cultures of the world often in ways that
appear to be irreversible." The trend has been particularly strong in agriculture
and biotechnology. The rules of the game are enforceable through the WTO
and through Trade-Related aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS).
The question, central to this all encompassing area, is the ownership of
knowledge.
In 1998 taking the
top 10 corporations in this "knowledge industry" the HDR Report 1999 provides
the following: "In commercial seed 32% of a $ 23 billion industry; in pharmaceuticals,
35% of $297 billion; in veterinary medicine, 60% of $17 billion, in computers,
almost 70% of $334 billion; in pesticides, 85% of $ 31 billion; $ and in
telecommunications, more than 86% of $362 billion". These monopolies of
ownership overshadow the natural resources base of developing countries.
It threatens in an alarming way the bio-diversity of these countries. Here,
religions of Asia, who were once owners of such knowledge are helpless.
In this environment, the Church and churches could be important both to
convey a sense of hope and to explain what is happening. They can also
convey a sense of tradition, permanence and continuity in an era of great
flux." (K. Suter, National Outlook July 1999). Because, linked to knowledge
economy is that aspect of connectivity and on the flip side, exclusion.
To bring connectivity to people, community access in key. (HRD 1999). Alas,
what we are facing increasingly is "disconnectedness" of the poor and the
vulnerable. It enhances cultural insecurity on the one hand and offers
inviting spaces for other questionable influences. Fundamentally, these
new frontiers of knowledge challenge the cultural identity of people, as
the knowledge offered has its own ideological underpinnings.
Culture has become
important economically. Whether, it is food, dress, shelter, gestures,
music, entertainment etc. - all these artifacts provide belonging, meaning
and expression in the daily lives of people. When the trend is to homogenise
them, the indigenous cultures are made to look anachronistic. A UNESCO
study shows that world trade in goods with cultural content - printed matter,
literature, music, visual arts, cinema, radio, TV, almost tripled between
1980 and 1991, from $67 billion to $200 billion." It continues to grow
as well as is being concentrated, driving out small and local industries.
And the flow is from rich countries to the poor (HDR 1999). The flow impacts
all classes of society.
"Potentially speaking
our future generations could live in a world where Transnational corporations
decide what we eat, wear and think. For instance, as companies like Murdoch
communications, a powerful TNC which owns all types of media outlets ,
acquire more wealth and influence, a situation arises where one individual,
in this case Ruport Murdoch, arguably have more power in shaping public
thought than most governments. This poses a threat to cultural rights."
(Pax Romana, 51 UN Subcomm. 1999).
Ecclesia in Asia,
in this context speaks about "a cultural globalization", made possible
by the modem communications media, which is quickly drawing Asian societies
into a global consumer culture that is both secularist and materialistic.
The result is an eroding of traditional family and social values which
until now had sustained peoples and societies.' (Eccl. Asia 32). The Exhortation
advocates: "All this makes it clear that the ethical and moral aspects
of globalization need to be more directly addressed by the leaders of nations
and by organisations concerned with human promotion" (Eccl. Asia 32, 1999)
4. Challenges in the Realms of Religions & Identity
Asia is often characterised
by a plurality of religions and religious systems, as well as the centrality
of religions in peoples' lives and cultures, "permeating every aspect of
the individual, family and society". Equally important also the role of
religions in molding the political configurations of our times in many
Asian countries. In the body politic, religions do create the "majority-minority"
syndrome, having its consequences in the realms of governance. The impact
on the levels of tolerance and social peace is considerable, affecting
deeply fundamental freedoms, including religions freedom. At this level,
religious discrimination is almost equivalent to cultural deprivation.
It is happening in many countries that challenges "Peaceful coexistence",
"Capacity for accommodation" and "natural openness". (Eccl. Asia 6, 1999).
For any form of advocacy, these transformations are crucial. And it is
not confined to one religion. At times, it appears that all of them are
helpless. Many are unable to prevent the recourse to violence "in the name
of religion belief." Is it in any way a deep seated reaction to globalization?.
At the level of the civil society,
in these rapidly changing conditions, there is an important discourse taking
place on harmony and secularism, respecting the differences. Under these
circumstances, the appeal of any religion is based on the answers it gives
to problems that are uniquely modern, irrespective of the insecurity. Some
of the certitude habitually subscribed to, are loosing their hold on people.
It is not by any means an elite phenomenon. The age of information provides
its own dosage of meanings, but does not replace those abandoned certitudes.
Other actors have come into the arena, particularly, from the realms of
politics and business. They prescribe the norms that were usually done
by religions. In this connection, some are inclined to say that globalisation
lacks a moral core, and that "there is vacuum at the heart of globalisation".
Then, it is hardly surprising that in such a context, there can also be
a space for religions resurgence of myriad forms to offer transitory panacea
to the existential dilemma. These elements have surfaced strongly at the
level of all the continental synods. The consequences are more at level
of identity and sense of belonging. Some would ascribe it to modernity.
"With modernity, three factors
have affected that identity. First, we have more of them, indeed a package
of new identities, rather superimposed. Very often individuals and groups
move on to identities provided by activities. Secondly, all these identities
(including the religious one) are becoming much more sharply defined than
even before becoming too much self-conscious. The development of census-taking
and of modem communications play vital roles in creating this new, more
sharply defined sense of belonging to a class, community, religion, party
and nation. Finally, these identities do not simply co-exist, they also
compete for ascendancy. They compete for psychic and emotional loyalties.
They compete by offering differing meanings and interpretations of the
world". Frequently, the casualty has been a sense of being universal. Particularity
surfaces stronger, often manipulated by external forces. In this respect,
"fundamentalism is essentially a reaction against secular modernity. It
would be a great mistake to imagine that they're archaic movements" How
to overcome such boundaries or how do we negotiate?
5. Environmental Crisis
The striking feature of Asia's environmental Crisis is that people continue to turn a blind eye to its principal cause - a maximum rate of urbanisation within minimum controls on energy consumption. Every Asian nation needs to rethink through the implications of urbanisation. According to ESCAP studies each day in Asia, the urban population increase by the equivalent of one city of 140,000 people. The economic model of the eighties with emphasis on economic growth has accentuated the environmental degradation, particularly through the of the internal combustion engine in all the urban centres. Governments can be no longer complacent and most are beginning to make gestures in the right direction. (GW. 26.8.99)
(i) The Global Environment
Besides the above mentioned
central factor, the configuration becomes worse, when we list all the other
main problems. Asia is now well-known for its "Asian Haze", especially
with the 1997 disaster in the Indonesian Archipelago. This makes the environmental
configuration more chronic. "Chronic environmental degradation - today's
Silent emergency - threatens people worldwide and undercuts the livelihoods
of at least half a billion people. Poor people themselves having little
choice, put pressure on the environment but so does the consumption of
the rich. The growing export markets for fish, shrimp, people quality timber
and many other products mean depleted stocks, less bio-diversity and fewer
forests. Most of the costs are borne by the poor-though it is the world's
rich who benefit most" (HDR 1999). Reviewing this rapidly deteriorating
situation, the global environment outlook 2000 of UNEP states: "Unless
there is an unprecedented commitment of resources and political will, the
report warns hundreds of millions of people will be condemned to suffering,
and the environment will be ruinously impoverished". (GW 30.9.99). It is
a global problem, and was taken up at the Rio summit (1992) of Environment
and Development. Unfortunately, it's mandate was rather ambiguous, entrusting
the responsibilities to national governments-"precisely the setting in
which the environmental crises developed". The Brundtland report" Common
Future" (1987) which "launched the notion of sustainable development, in
which contemporary strategies for environmental security are rooted, remains
primarily a economic concept" (God and the Goods, WCC) Already in Octogesima
Adveniens, Pope Paul VI pointed out. "Man (and Woman) is suddenly becoming
a wave that by an ill-considered exploitation of nature herisks destroying
it and becoming a menace but the human framework is no longer under man's
control, thus creating an environment which may well be intolerable. This
is a wide-ranging social problem which concerns the entire family." (OA.21,
1971) But it has been kept too long in the back burner until the civil
society and social movements, all over the world began to push it to the
forefront of world agenda. Yet, the situation is far from satisfactory.
On the other hand, developing countries besides their own forms of environmental
degradation, are becoming, the production centres of pollution industries
(e.g. leather tanning) and the dumping grounds for toxic waste. Moreover,
linking labour and environment in an asymmetrical manner, developed countries
are using it to curtail trade practices of some developing countries.
Reflecting or these issues,
the 6th PA of FABC stated: "The Lord, the giver of life, calls our discipleship
in Asia into question on the time-bomb issue of ecology. Choosing life
requires our discipleship to discern and act with other faiths and groups
against the forces of ecological destruction" (6th PA-FABC 15.4, Manila
1995). And the post-synodal exhortation affirms "The protection of the
environment is not only a technical question, it is also and above all
an ethical issue. All have a moral duty to care for the environment, not
only for their own good but also for the good of future generations" (Eccl.
Asia.41, 1999).
Ultimately, all these measures
should enhance the quality of human life, placing creation in the fullest
way possible at the service of the human family.
(ii) Reflections: God and the Common Good
Looking at the Asian landscape
with all its created realities, one is moved to go back to the source of
our common faith, in order to visualise the path(s) to be taken along with
all others. These realities indicate clearly that transformations are taking
place continuously, neither linear nor peaceful. These transformations
are constantly producing new cultural, social, economic, political and
religious configurations whose contents nobody can yet outline. It reveals
a bizarre combination of giddy optimism and deep fear. Faith reminds us
that "we must learn not to be afraid, we must discover a spirit of hope
and a spirit of trust". "All the same, fear for the future and of the future
remains. We need to constantly inform ourselves that human kind is not
alone amidst these uncertainties, for human kind is "surrounded by the
love of the creator! what does the creator reveal to us? (John Paul II-UN,
New York Oct 1995).
In the Genesis narration, we
read "God saw all that he had made, and indeed it was very good". For Genesis,
creation is the expression of God's goodness in action" (NDT, 1993). His
Word is the performative act with normative expectations. That goodness
permeates all creation for all times. That creation is entrusted to human
kind entitled to maintain the goodness. At one level, this concept is related
to the ethical and moral systems that have been emphasized by different
religious traditions. God, creation and goodness are inter-connected, and
the Spirit is in a certain sense a hidden power at work, guiding it in
the ways of truth and goodness"(EAsia, 15). And "Gaudium et Spes underlines
that God intended the goods of the earth for the use of every human being.
NDT, 1993).
Going a step further, Gaudium
et Spes, in its effort to dialogue with the modem world explained that
common good as "the sum total of social conditions which allow people,
either as groups or as individuals, to reach their fulfillment more fully
and more easily. The whole human race is consequently involved with regard
to the rights and obligations which result". (GS26). Today, "the common
good has regained a significant place in debates on future social and economic
perspectives illustrating a growing sense that a lack of commitment to
the common good is at the roots of the contemporary socio-economic crises".
(God and the Goods, Fortman and Goldewijk, WCC). And "the globalized economy
must be analysed in the light of the principles of social justice, respecting
the preferential option for the poor who must be allowed to take their
place in such an economy and the requirements of the international common
good" (Eccl. America 55, 1 999).
From Genesis, we also know
that every person is created in the image and likeness of God and is therefore
radically oriented towards the Creator and that every person" is constantly
in relationship with those possessed of the same dignity" (WPDM 1999,2).
To promote the good of the individual is thus to serve the common good,
which is the point where rights and duties coverage and reinforce each
other".
As we see within the Asian
realities sometimes, an individual manages to convert collective authority
into a personal monopoly. In these instances, "society is characterised
by tensions, palpable or hidden, between the suppressed rights of the people
and the power rapacity of one individual" (w. Soyinka, 1999). Under these
circumstances, where does society ground its claims? Can could equally
ask that under much conditions what kind of relations is there between
God and society? This question is important as it helps us to adopt the
attitude with regard to the great problems of human kind as well as other
people's reactions to our efforts, will depend above all on the way, that,
we Christians-conceive of, and proclaim, the relation of god to the world.
Especially, when the order considers God as redundant, and declassifies
the human person "to an economic unit in an evermore oppressive consumer
network". (EAsia, 32).
We believe in a God, who "Jesus
inherits as the creator of heaven and earth, but whom he enriches through
his filial experience, proclaiming him as Creator in the sense of Abba,
that is as a father/mother acting solely for and through love." Nowadays,
this image of God who creates for love, provides the basis for something
as important and contemporary as ecological concerns. In other words, God
does not render us wholly into ourselves, but calls upon us to co-operate
with him in the construction of created realities. This is something which
should encourage our creativity to promote the transformation, of current
situations and to open up new prospects for the future. In that sense,
God cannot be a selfish father. Oftentimes in our exclusivism, we loose
sight of this radical universality and boundless generosity of God. Deep
down, humankind has always known this. Religions are but the social configurations
of this recognition. The respect is necessarily different in each. This
all inclusive God makes us natural partners with all those committed to
the common good. Whatever we undertake as dialogue has to be situated within
this contextual universalism. (Pax Romana, 1996).
In Jesus through the power
of the Holy Spirit we come to know that God is not distant, above and apart
from men and women, but is very hear indeed united to every person and
all humanity in all of life's situations " (Eccl. Asia-12). And at the
core of Jesus of Nazareth's message is the claim that the kingdom of God
arrives first and foremost for the "poor", that is all those who are excluded
by society. It is the only way to guarantee a universality for all, because
only starting from below is it possible really to universalise, breaking
the chain of privilege. This is a fundamental principle that Christians
cannot give up, and yet it is extra ordinarily difficult to put into practice.
Jesus himself lost his life for taking this principle seriously. Jesus
explained this principle in many ways, especially the parables. In the
parable of the Good Samaritan "we can grasp the fundamental nucleus of
Christianity consists in the approach other, in the recognition of the
other as on fellow being, as our neighbor". It demonstrates the public
nature of Christianity, its indispensable exercise as a responsible action
at the centre of the public forum". Through the parable, Jesus contextualises
taking responsibility for all", as a practical means of establishing in
each time what the essence of Christianity is. Such is "the mission of
Jesus that not only restored communion between God and humanity, it also
established a new communion between human beings alienated from one another
because of sin" (Eccl. Asia.13). The early Christians were a movement of
the marginalised and under privileged, who offered, culturally and politically
what was needed by society. It was a sharing and caring community
The local churches in Asia
are trying to reinvent this paradigm by being a "communion of communities".
In doing so, we need to remind ourselves of those universalities given
to us, as well as being attentive to the universalities that society is
constructing. They are making us aware of the need of entering into partnership
with all peoples. The Exhortation reminds us "committed to being a genuine
sign and instrument of the Spirit's action in the complex realities of
Asia, she (the church) must discern, in all the diverse circumstances of
the continent the spirit's call to witness to Jesus in new and effective
ways". For example, how do the local churches in Asia understand and interpret
common good. And common good cannot exist today without four other principles
essential to its realisation, namely, subsidiarity, solidarity, the protection
of human rights and an option for the poor.
The common good, nowadays,
is being put forward by a number of others, including, the inter governmental
organisations. For instance, UNESCO in proposing a common framework for
the ethics of the 21st century, "We must therefore strive for an equilibrium
between individual rights and the concern for the common good such that
individual rights and respect for the common good enhance each other".
The catholic social teaching
has a long history of specifying, advancing and encouraging the common
good. The Bishops of England and Wales in their 1996 document "on the Common
Good and the Catholic Church's social teaching state, for example, "The
concept of an international or global common good demands that no nation
should be left incapable of participation in the global, economy because
it is too poor or too much in debt" (para 102) Pope John XXIII in his "Pacem
in Terris" (1963) indicated the necessity of affirmative action in relation
to common good, stating, "considerations of justice and equity, however,
can at times demand that those involved in civil government, give more
attention to the less fortunate members of the community, since they are
less able to defend their rights and to assert their legitimate claims"
(PT. 56) on the other hand, political decisions and economic clout have
won out common sense and the well-being of the community. The vulnerability
of the less fortunate are exploited towards selfish interests rather than
their common good.
There is another important
obstacle to the common good in relation to pluralism, sometimes seen as
incompatible. It is not only a matter of difference in emphasis but also
disagreements about what constitutes common good. These cannot be brushed
aside. As Fr. Amaladoss S.J. puts it, "the unity of the faith in a diversity
of ideologies (or convictions) can be preserved if every one is devoted
to the common good and committed to the perspectives and values proposed
by faith, and is open to mutual challenge, correction and collaboration
in view of a common project", (5th PAFABC Papers).
As a seasoned politician points
out, "we live, whether we like it or not, in a world which is globalising
so fast that many problems can only be dealt with at a level beyond the
nation state. We are also learning many problems can only be effectively
dealt with at a level below the nation state. And that the globalised world
is carrying with it, the rudiments of a new moral order, based not only
on human rights but also on a sense of human obligation. For Christians,
'the politics of hope rests upon the confidence that however bleak the
prospect, there are always new possibilities. Promotion of the common good
is at the heart of a fair and just moral order. Who are the promoters of
common good, today?
(iii) Transformations that Matter
1. Emerging Civil Society: local, national, regional & global
Since the beginning of the 90s,
there have been a number of global happenings around very concrete issues
at specific locations, indicating the emergence of civil society - A civil
society that convoke clear forms of contestation based on sustained campaigning.
These voices of advocacy, some have claimed to be distinct signs of grassroots
democracy articulated globally. The most recent one at Seattle brought
the galloping trade liberalisation to a halt, expressing an undercurrent
of fear, resentment and anger to the kind of "reckless" globlisation through
the WTO. The WTO is founded on the principle of sustainable human development.
Again at Cologne, through nonviolent approaches, the Jubilee 2000 coalition
harnessed the capacity of civil society for debt cancellation. Who could
forget that tremendous popular uprising in the Philippines in 1986, overturning
a well entrenched dictator! Or, more recently, last May 1998, those violent
eruptions of "street-power" in Indonesia, with some of the more ugly forms
of violations. Besides, those" media spectacular" events, regularly in
many parts of Asia and elsewhere, the civil society has been advancing
steadily, facing some of the most powerful and privileged actors of current
times are they advocating for the common good?
Beginning with the Bangkok
Declaration on Human Rights, prior to the 1993 World Conference on Human
Rights in Vienna, there has been a veritable "explosion" of Asia-based
NGOs regularly appearing at the Geneva sessions on Human Rights, demanding
a stop to the violations that go against the civil and political rights.
Among them, you can find representatives of the vulnerable groups - migrants,
refugees minorities, women, indigenous people etc. With a growing awareness
of those international human rights mechanisms, their participation has
been substantial, even challenging those "classical" NGOs, habitually present.
Their voices are listened to providing much discomfort to targeted Asian
governments. Increasingly, religious congregations - the Franciscans, the
Dominicans, the Jesuits and others are strongly present in these for a
as NGOs. The same voices of advocacy were heard with clear messages at
all those UN summits during the nineties. Amidst these multifarious voices,
there are also those sponsored by their own governments, at times, abusing
the genuine purposes of civil society and NGOs. The corporate sector has
joined the fray, with its own affiliates within these fora. What do these
actors tell us? Are they providing the space for those who are "ignored
or scorned"? Whatever be their individual agendas, they are "taking the
world to task"?
The phenomena is not only confined
to "special" events but also taking place systematically at local, national
and regional levels. Not long ago, the Korean government learned the power
of trade unions when it tried to push through a new labour code in 1997.
Using the procedures of the Independent Inspectional panel unit, attached
to the World Bank, a group of Nepalese citizens and residents challenged
a proposed hydro-electric project that would have affected the environment
as well as caused forced evictions. The World Bank withdrew its support.
A team of volunteers in Indonesia during the May 1998 incidents, investigated
the violation's that took place, particularly those perpetrated against
ethnic Chinese women. This was taken up by the special procedures of the
UN with on-the-spot visit by the special Rapporteur on "Violence against
Women". It was a powerful message that came from this team of volunteers,
who said: "to all the civilians, the government, the armed forces and to
the children of the future generation of our history, we are handing over
the "documentation" in order to relearn about the differences between what's
"civilized" and "uncivilized", in order that our children and grand children
relearn the differences between what is "good" and "no-good" are for our
life together? A veritable articulation of what constitutes the common
good!
2. "Globalization from below"
Simultaneously with economic
globalization, we are witnessing what might be termed a "globalization
from below. "Bottom-up globalization also exists". The globalization of
standards especially in the field of human rights is the most important
consequence of "globalization from below". Local communities as well as
being subject to the impacts of trade liberalization are also feeling the
impacts of trade liberalization are also feeling the impacts of new conceptions
of justice and equity that are being intercommunicated throughout the world.
It leads to globalization of needs, levels of expectation, conditions of
security, and consumer needs. Unacceptable levels that are increasingly
shared, are being established. Constantly they are enabling empowerment
through a variety of means including the "new" technologies. These technologies
have opened up new opportunities for small players to enter the global
market place and political space, creating a tremendously important countervailing
force out of silent voices in the global landscape. These forces are able
to access to the higher echelons of power, which is made to move in a certain
direction. During the East tumor tragedy, the IMF Director received nearly
20,000 appeals to do something.
Such networks of people movements
are constantly interacting on emerging issues that facilitate international
advocacy campaigns reinforcing the local needs. In certain respects, some
call it, "globalization of justice". A common thread running through some
of these campaigns is a vision-mission to promote more inclusive rather
than exclusive globalization. Another common feature is that their advocacy
is earthed in actual ground realities that have been assessed effectively.
It is impossible to ignore such concerted voices even though there may
appear elements of incoherence.
It may be helpful to keep in
focus, that these new ways of being people-centered is growing rapidly.
All of them are not essentially of the same variety. Pluralism is a significant
characteristic but with a unity of purpose. It is acknowledged, that civil
society as "probably the single largest factor in development, given its
size, experience and history" (Wolfensohn). A recent study estimates that
the non-profit organisations in just 22 countries are a US$ 1.1 trillion
sector, employing 19 million people" (HDR 1999). In Japan alone, it is
estimated to be around US$ 264 billion. This is equally a major source
of power and privilege and has its own asymmetries. Between 1987-96, the
participation of the civil society in the World Bank projects was round
28%, to-day, in 1999, their participation stands at 52% nearly, a doubling
within a small span of years. Significantly, it has influenced at policy
levels, helping the World Bank President to talk about "coalitions for
change" and to reject the "Darwinian theory of development whereby we discard
the unfit by the wayside" (Wolfensohn). As local churches in Asia, how
do we collaborate?
(iv) A Choice of Trajectories for Advocacy
Given these trajectories of the globalized order, with different cultural paths, we hear God's call to pursue a culture of life, which simultaneously embraces all human kind and especially the poor, cares ecologically for the earth, and proclaims the God of life. Equally strong, if not more threatening, we see the temptation to collapse into a culture of death, which protects the few who are wealthy and powerful yet abandons the many who are poor and weak, which selfishly pollutes the earth to satisfy the needs of the privileged, and which worships the false idols of mammon. Where do we belong to, and do we have anything to announce as believers of the God news? Particularly, when "all are invited to walk the path of authentic conversion". (Washington Collogurin, 1999).
3. A New Century of Persuasion
In fact, at the dawn of the new millennium, we are in a privileged position, that could begin "a century of persuasion" (John Paul II). The past millennium in its closing decades gave birth to "the idea that certain fundamental rights are inherent to all humanity" and that, "for all human beings, there do exist certain fundamental rights" (W. Soyinka, 1999). The impact could be seen in "the growing access by different groups and individuals to the category of real and effective subjects". The influence is felt currently in the accelerated thrust towards democratic forms of government, with a certain form of pluralism and broad based coalitional politics. The exhortation acknowledges it, by stating, "the various international declarations on human rights and the many initiatives which these have inspired are a sign of growing attention on a worldwide level to the dignity of the human person". (Eccl. Asia 33). It has been a historical struggle. "Humanity has been straining to seize the fullness of this doctrine, the right to knowledge, the freedom from anxiety, the right to security of existence as inherent to the species". (W. Soyinka, 1999). It is a moment of Kairos! How do we go about advocating it along with all others?
(i) The State and Governance
There is a general push towards
democracy with specifications. The market's preference is that the State
confines itself to sociopolitical management transferring the economic
activity to mostly, non-state actors. The model of predominantly state
led development is now acknowledged problematic. Even the so-called 'welfare
state' is unable to cope up with market. And the State in the habitual
sense is under scrutiny. The Catholic social teaching is inclined to favour
more the notion of "nation", understood by political atheorist as a loosely
knit gathering of various collectivities, each competing with one another
for ascendancy, with the vulnerable groups at the bottom of the pile. Moreover,
prescriptions are coming from beyond the borders of a state as well as
from within about what constitutes "good" governance. And, governance does
not mean government. It is understood as "the framework of rules, institutions
and practices that set limits on the behaviour of individuals, organisations
and companies." (HDR 1999). In that sense, "poor governance, including
corruption, hinders development and reduce opportunities for the poor".
The trend is towards efforts that "should promote accountable public institutions,
transparent policy making, fairness in the rule of law, and openness to
participation of citizens" (WB Annual Report 1999). The same expectations
are strongly expressed also with regard to the need for "global governance"
that would tackle questions of vulnerability and volatility faced by developing
nations. What could we advocate in these circumstances that brings forth
genuine transformations?
a) It is necessary to focus
our efforts on the defense of the prerogatives of the State. These must
be enforced and extended to the state. These must be enforced and extended
to the international level. The neoliberal dogma that markets are good
and government intervention bad will have to be given up. It is necessary
to extend democracy not only as prescribed by external agencies as holding
elections but also in the creation of vehicles for genuine popular participation
within the decision making process. It has to accommodate the gathering
of collectivities within a given nation, and if necessary, to interpret
the right to self determination within the larger context of the nation.
The aim to enable greater discussion before formalising decision, so that
all the stake-holders can play a full and vital role. That is, on one hand
to take into account the totality of interests for the common good, but
also to make explicit the meaning and implication of the debates in question.
This involves disclosure of information (Right to information) and establishment
of constitutional institutions, for example, national commission on minorities
etc. The government has to negotiate constantly with various actors for
legitimacy. Such consultation or negotiation of the electorate assimilates
the sanction given by a national debate.
In Centesimus Annus, Pope John
Paul II points out to "a crisis within democracies themselves, which seem
at times to have lost the ability to make decisions aimed at common good"
and that, "sometimes not examined in accordance with criteria of justice
and mortality, but rather on the basis of the electoral (majoritarian)
or financial power of the groups promoting". "As a result, there is a growing
inability to situate particular interests (for example, vulnerable groups)
within the framework of a coherent vision of the common good" (CA.47, 1991).
(b) In this connection, the
question of citizenship becomes pivotal. It has to be seen beyond certain
quantitative factors including spatial location within the polity. It has
to be enhancing, taking into account the three interrelated strands - social
and moral responsibility, community involvement and political literacy.
Often, this is a very much neglected aspect, and frequently it is taken
for granted. It goes along with empowerment, along with the ability not
only to make decisions that directly affect their own lives and that of
future generations, but equally capable to dissent, whenever and wherever
necessary. This is very much needed for democracy to become dynamic. Such
a quality citizenship would have reasons to expect that his/ her opinion,
has an impact on how society is run. This is closely linked to his/her
security, decent livelihood and should feel at home amidst the multiplicities
of a nation. "We need to understand that citizenship is really nothing
more than the larger dimensions of our experience of family and work "(Joe
Holland). It is the participation in the human family, beginning with the
local level of living, and ever expanding to include every level. Today,
there is the push toward such efforts to expand popular participation and
to increase local autonomy in decision making.
There is also a growing trend
to extrapolate citizenships, globally global citizenship - that tries to
overcome globalization built on competition. There are many expressions
of it, happening all around us. Some would term it "Co-operative globalization".
Such co-operation is based on the recognition that global citizenship can
exist only if it is rooted in local citizenship" (Drimmelen).
(ii) New Options in Development
Just as we consider the state,
democracy, governance and citizenship, it would be meaningful to see their
inter-connectedness to development. Particularly, when we consider that
a number of Asian leaders at the helm have made an inversion, stating development
first, and then only, democracy and human rights. They were the advocates
for "the government decides what is good for people".
"These leaders argue that national
security, social stability and public order provided the foundations for
the impressive levels of economic development" (McGrew). The justifications
are based on skewed interpretations of cultural particularities. These
arguments are still place. In the debate on the recent economic crisis,
it was often noted that negative consequences on people could have been
reduced, if not avoided, had a human rights approach been fully considered
at time (Robinson). In that respect, "development is what ordinary people
do everyday to sustain life under extraordinary conditions; fighting to
preserve their dignity, and in the process allowing the rest of us find
our own humanity" (Cheru). Essentially it means that people are not seen
only as beneficiaries of development but also those who define development.
This is where Prof. Amartya Sen diverts "attention from development as
resulting in an increase in goods and services to development as enhancing
the capabilities and enlarging the freedom of people". Any state for that
matter which humiliates its citizens through denying such freedoms, would
be an affront to human dignity. Today, when decent society is meant to
be one, whose institutions do not humiliate its members "(Margalit). Also
it cannot "reduce the person to an economic unit: (Eccl. Asia 32). How
to navigate between these currents?
"In a democratic milieu, therefore
development never appears as a single defined objective, but as claims
and counter - claims of a wide range and variety of groups". (Kurien).
In this connection, Prof. Kurien suggests to need to go beyond the habitual
limits of prevailing democracies that stops with "for the people", and
to give substance to "the rule of the people" and "the rule by the people".
And that, "attempts must be made to reconcile them to the extent possible
by constantly insisting that lives and livelihoods of all be secured and
the search for the larger common good be sustained".
Unfortunately, as Vandana Shiva,
puts it that we have more "the right to pollute" in today's market centered
economy, with greater homogeneity and uniformity. Such development not
only excludes people but equally externalizes environmental costs as well
as human rights and needs. The exhortation categorises it as both "dehumanizing"
and "over-development" (Eccl. Asia 32). Even some of the enlightened UN
agencies, when talking about governance and sustainable human development,
neglect this holistic approach.
It may be helpful, at this
juncture, to keep in focus the right to development (1986) and the rights
- based approach to development. It is significant that this emphasis has
emerged since the 90s more favourably than during the cold-war polemics
on human rights. It tries to restore the balance between the civil and
political rights on the one hand, and the economic, social and cultural
rights and the right to development, on the other side. As it was stated
earlier along with emerging democratisation in society, every member-state
of the UN has ratified one of the six main UN human rights treaties. All
these international treaties have related mechanisms. Interestingly, the
rights of child has the maximum number of ratifications. Even though there
are delays in implementation, these mechanisms along with the UN Commission
on Human Rights and the UN sub-commission on the promotion and protection
of Human Rights remain the more open-channels of participation for people
through NGOs. Primarily, they are inter-governmental bodies which have
their limits. Yet the boundaries are negotiable and are being negotiated
with patience and perseverance, particularly on behalf of the victims,
and those "who have no rights". Since the nineties more and more Asia based
NGOs are becoming conversant in applying these mechanisms. In spite of
"new" pressures from governments and "new" patterns of alignments, it remains
the only annual forum for people to bring into the open, relevant concerns
and violations.
Now coming back to the right
to development, which was even raised at the 1971, Synod, it includes the
right to environment, the rights to peace and the right to solidarity.
Even though less accepted by the developed countries, it points the path
towards people-centered development, more inclusive and universal. It also
brings together ecology and equity. Most of the Asian governments are interested
in its realization, (7th Asia - Pacific Workshop for the promotion and
protection of Human Rights, Feb '99, New Delhi), from a promotional point
of view. It would be worth while to make it into a binding and enforceable
convention for peoples and nations.
The rights language has the
capacity to empower individuals and groups and facilitates the initiatives
towards a culture of human rights. In development, empowerment is an essential
ingredient, seen together with democratisation. In development, it is increasingly
promoted, both as a means and an end. But the concept is easily abused,
if terms like participation, involvement etc. are involved and celebrated,
while the substance of civil and political rights is denied. In the absence
of freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom to form and join
trade unions etc. there can be little meaningful participation and even
less authentic empowerment (Alston). As the Holy father emphasizes, "no
human right is safe if we fail to commit ourselves to safeguarding all
of them" (WPDM 12 1999). For instance, the assertion of the right to primary
education (ICESCR. Art 13.2 & CRC. Art 28) to which every individual
is entitled as of right, is more powerful motivating factor than a thousand
statements to the effect that educational opportunities should be improved
and e expanded. There is a great difference between on the one hand, acknowledging
that individuals have a human rights, be it to primary education, essential
health care or food etc. and on the other hand, promoting policies designed
to enhance the availability of food, education or health care. The latter
may be indispensable, but it is not in itself empowering. Indeed, it has
great potential to be disempowering as bureaucrats and politicians control
access to the relevant services. (UN Doc. ESA/DSPD/BP.2, May 1999). The
rights approach emphasises the recognition of the entitlements of right-holders
and the corresponding accountability of duty bearers. Advocacy acquires
a momentum of its own on this basis, and compliance can be enforced.
(iii) Rethinking Human Rights Advocacy and the Actors
Today, more than fifty percent
of the budget under the technical cooperation programmes, coordinated by
the office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights goes towards the
Asia - Pacific region, precisely to enhance the promotional aspects of
human rights, nationally. Unfortunately, Asia is the only region without
a common regional charter on Human Rights. Hence, no regional mechanisms,
of enforcement. On the other hand, one by one, Asian governments are encouraged
to establish national Human Rights Institutions (NHRI). Also, much attention
is given, both through monitoring and dialogue for building up an independent
judiciary. Regarding the NHRIs, it has been said : "A national institution
established hastily, without public understanding of its role and responsibilities,
will be unlikely to succeed in its mission" (Robinson). With a few exceptions,
many of them are far from satisfactory. And a number of Asian countries
- China, Japan, Myanmar, Singapore etc. are yet to move towards its establishment.
Yet, it has started and it has to be continued. Both Asian NGOs and INGOs,
as well as other institutions are canvassing, seriously. It is a constitutional
institution. So also, there are initiatives to establish such rights-based
institutions, nationally for instance, women, children, minorities etc.
Some have already been established, proving to be pui pricks to their respective
governments.
Moreover, many of the Asian
governments have identified four key areas for the promotion and protection
of human rights in this region, which include:
(iv) Call to Disarmament :
Amidst all these preoccupations,
let us also bear in mind that, "a 6000 mile arc of nuclear instability
has been established by overt and crypto nuclear states starting from Israel,
Syria, Iran, Iraq, Pakistan, India and China and ending with North Korea."
(Paul Bracken, Fire in the East). Commenting on it, "globalisation of industry
is breaking down social cohesion in developing Asian countries as market
mechanisms replace traditional forms of social cohesion," and that "the
vacuum so caused is being filled by aggressive nationalism". (SKK Pillai).
The Synodal fathers spoke about it and the exhortation presents it under
"peace making" (Eccl.Asia.38). In these conditions, the right to peace
has to be advocated more than ever. "In a sense, promoting the right to
peace ensures respect for all other rights, since it encourages the building
of a society in which structures of power give way to structures of co-operation,
with a view to the common good". (WPDM. 11, 1999). This is a part of the
"Gospel of life", "The synod called for a stop to the manufacture, sale
and use of nuclear, chemical and biological arms and urged those who have
set landmines to assist in the work of rehabilitation and restorations"
(Eccl.Asia.38). "Excessive military expenditure diverts resources from
human development" (Camdessus, July, 1999). IMF calls it "unproductive
expenditure", and recognises "serving peace" as a "sacred duty". It affirms
what Paul VI announced, "development is another name for peace". Could
we do something about it by reawakening the call
to disarmament in Asia?
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Published January 2000
END
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