1. Between September 16-22, 1996, we, 26 bishops from Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Nepal, met in Kathmandu, Nepal, to study and reflect on the theme: "Christian Response to the Phenomenon of Violence in South Asia." Assisted by resource persons, we addressed questions related to the nature and varieties of violence in the South Asian context, the growing phenomenon of religious fundamentalism, and principles for a Christian response.

2. Nature of Violence

        Violence is any encroachment on the fundamental rights of an individual or a group. It is the control and subjugation of one human person to the will of another, which diminishes both the dignity of the oppressed and the humanity of the oppressor. As such, violence is a transgression against the created order established by God.

3. Kinds of Violence

        When referring to violence, we immediately think of physical violence against the body, including, in its most extreme form, murder. We recognize, however, that there are forms of moral and psychological violence which can be even more degrading than the purely physical. Moreover, violence is not only a desecration of individuals, but also of whole groups in society. Among the forms of violence which we find around us, we note in particular:

        a. Social violence, in which an individual or group is ostracized, demeaned, and made the object of discrimination.
        b. Cultural violence, where a people's values and traditions are invaded, degraded, or destroyed by other groups.
        c. Religious violence, when one is denied religious freedom and made to suffer for one's beliefs, and people are looked down upon or discriminated against in law because of their faith.
        d. Economic violence, where people are denied, because of caste or social group, opportunities granted to others, given inadequate pay, and forced to take only the lowliest, most menial work.
        e. Political violence, where persons are dismissed from their positions, arrested, tortured, and deprived of their rights because of their political beliefs.
        f. Ethnic violence, when people are expelled from their lands or subject to discrimination because their ethnic group is considered threatening or inferior.
        g. Gender violence, when the dignity and rights of women are violated, when they are paid less for the same work, sexually harassed, denied educational opportunities, or viewed as inferior to or of lesser status than men.
        h. Violence against children, when they are forced into labour, often in subhuman conditions, or subjected to physical abuse at home or school, or to sexual abuse by paedophiles and sex tourists.
        i. Violence to the unborn in abortion, particularly in the widespread modern practices of female foeticide and infanticide.
        j. State violence of oppressive and discriminatory laws, ruthless or biased law enforcement, unrestricted police practices, summary arrests, long-delayed trials, the undue use of armed forces to deal with internal disturbances, the suppression of right to dissent and freedom of association, excessive militarisation, and the most pervasive of all, corruption in public life.
        k. Violence to one's self-image and self-respect, which makes individuals and social groups feel themselves inferior, backward, and "dispensable. "
        l. Violence against the homeland, in uprooting and evicting a people from their lands and homes on the pretext of "progress" or the "common good."
        m. Ecological violence, when nature and its resources are greedily exploited for personal profit, without concern for future generations, for contemporaries whose survival depends on a careful husbanding of the earth's resources, or for the beauty and variety of Creation.

4. Victims of Violence

        We chose the theme of violence because of the unhappy reality that individuals and social groups are increasingly becoming victims of various forms of violence. Among the groups who today are experiencing systematic violence used against them as a method of control are minorities, dalits, tribals, adivasis, women, children, the unborn, bonded labourers, domestic workers, refugees and migrants, prisoners, and all those in unorganised labour and in low income groups.

5. Christian Response to Violence

        Because so many are confronted by aggression on their traditional sources of livelihood and their basic human rights and dignity, guaranteed by numerous United Nations declarations on human rights and by the constitutions of their respective countries, we want to offer a Christian response.
        The Old Testament permits violence in the defence of one's land, religion, and culture. Yet the prophets looked forward to a time when "swords would be beaten into plowshares." In the New Testament, Jesus states unequivocally that "those who live by the sword will perish by the sword," and blesses the peacemakers, "for they shall be called God's children." Yet Christ has not come to gloss over iniquity and in justice. He claims to bring not peace but fire and the sword, and he expels those who were profaning the Temple. The norm of "an eye for an eye" must, in the new dispensation, give way to the law of forgiveness, mercy and love.
        A dominant characterisation of Christ is that of someone who is firmly and unshakeably rooted in truth -- come what may -- and for that reason he is also the true liberator of the downtrodden. Jesus, the Liberator, in order to overcome the evil of violence, does not inflict violence on others, but rather accepts and transforms it by personally undergoing suffering in the way of non-violence. In Jesus, God himself is in solidarity with the victims of violence, and his passion and death is a liberative suffering, liberating both aggressor and victim.
        Over the centuries, a well-developed Christian response to violence has been formulated for concrete situations and in specific socio-cultural contexts, It has taken into account the principles of self-defence, the rights of the victim and society at large, the ineffectiveness of all other legitimate means to secure justice and equity, the just proportion to be observed in any response to violence, both in quality and intensity, and the real possibility of success which such a response may have. These, and other generally accepted contemporary guidelines in the field of ethics and morals, should form the basis for the formation of consciences in this matter, so that in each concrete situation a mature response can be reached.
        What seems clear from all this is that the proper Christian response to violence is neither that of further violence nor that of simple passive acquiescence. The Christian response sometimes will demand "strong actions" of non-violent protest, such as fasting and prayer vigils, hunger strikes, sit-ins, protest marches and rallies. If such are to be successful, actions of strong advocacy require careful preparation and organisation, deep commitment, self-discipline, and a readiness to suffer for one's principles. (see Catechism of the Catholic Church, 2306).
        We admit that there are unresolved questions in the area of our Christian response to violence which require further study. We call upon the Office of Theological Concerns of the Federation of Asian Bishops Conferences (FABC) and upon our national theological associations and episcopal doctrinal commissions to pursue a profound research into the realm of violence.

6. Education

        An education which provides moral and spiritual awakening is a key apostolate of the Church to bring about authentic personal and social transformation and the values of the Gospel among peoples. Given the widespread violence in our societies, we need to reorient our educational apostolate in order to form persons and societies in true moral and spiritual values to be able to serve life by opposing all forms of violence, and establishing peace, harmony and love. Special attention should be given to education for indigenous and other marginalised peoples.
        We must promote literacy and primary education for all, and specific higher and specialised education, to prepare agents to build a just society and to serve the poor and oppressed. The larger communities of our educational institutions, namely students, teachers, administration, parents and guardians, well-wishers and former students, are to be brought into this arena of moral and spiritual formation, and become one in mind and heart among themselves through a process of interreligious, intercultural, and intersocial dialogue.

7. Formation of Lay Leaders

        Shared power -- political, economic, and social -- is one of the prerequisites for a genuine transformation of society. Men and women, especially from the oppressed classes, who show promise, should be motivated and helped to attain positions of influence where they can work with commitment for the common good of all citizens.
        Political structures arc not the only ones to bring about changes in society. Civic organisations, like citizens' committees, consumer welfare societies, co-operatives, human rights organisations, legal aid societies, and neighbourhood groups, are powerful means for promoting the common good. We encourage Christians to work with all persons of good will in such associations.
        Christians should generously deploy their resources in order to uplift the underprivileged, who should be trained to become self-reliant. We view it as a genuine commitment of faith, a true vocation, when Christian laity choose to remain at the service of their own people to work for their uplift.

8. Media

        Many people, irrespective of their religious, political and social affiliations, have rightly shown concern at the incalculable harm that is being done by some media presentations. Violence, sex, and a consumerist mentality are being foisted upon the young and the old by television, films and the print media. Positive steps should be taken to stem this evil tide.
        At the same time, it has to be admitted that a media-conscious society is here to stay. The enormous potential of the media for good has also to be recognised and rigorously pursued. We note with gratitude the presence of a large number of persons of good will in the secular media industry, and we acknowledge their good efforts to produce wholesome programs with humane values which could counteract the culture of violence.
        Media education at the national, diocesan and parish level should be fostered. The vast potential of the pastoral media should be utilised well. Clergy, religious and lay leaders should be given suitable training in the media. The right use of media should be a regular feature in implementing the pastoral programs of the diocese. Various organisations, and even governments, are unquestionably influenced by world opinion. The international. community can be an effective deterrent against dictators and oppressors. For this to be effective, the media should be used to highlight in justices, and world opinion should be harnessed to restrain "just regimes. Church-related media structures are encouraged to work with the secular media to defend human rights and oppose violence and injustice.

9. Christian Commitment to a Just Society

        All our FABC documents have underlined the importance of promoting total human liberation. The Church in Asia is called to be on the side of all those who are oppressed and victims of violence. We are called to be in solidarity with them in their struggle to overcome the violence inflicted on them, which condemns them to remain at the margin of life: fan-line, disease, illiteracy, poverty, displacement and other injustices.
        Solidarity with the oppressed and marginalised, involvement in their struggle for justice and their rights, reawakening the consciences of society for their causes -- all these are means of expressing the integral salvation which God offers to humanity in Jesus Christ our Saviour. The Church in Asia must take the lead to help these peoples become an effective social force.

10. Reducing Tensions in the South Asia Region

        Coming as we do, from the five nations of South Asia, we are painfully aware of the suspicions, tensions and hostility that exist between some of the countries of our region. We Christians, who form one community in Christ that is not limited by national borders or inhibited by international politics, must work to reduce these tensions. A priority would seem to be the sharing of sound information so that our people need not depend on rumours and biased propaganda. A newsletter by the South Asian Bishops' Meeting (SABIM) might help us become better informed about our fellow Christians in neighbouring countries. We also feel the need that the SABIM Conference be held every 2-3 years, more often should the need arise.
        Public opinion should be formed to oppose the regional arms race and military build-up that not only perpetuate and exacerbate tensions, but are a wasteful use of funds that should properly be used for education, health care, housing and economic infrastructure. The bishops' conferences might consider the possibility of a joint appeal to reduce military spending and demand total nuclear disarmament.
        To the extent possible, we should encourage NGOs, private associations, and church organisations to undertake cultural, athletic, and academic exchanges between people of the countries of the region, so that by coming to know one another personally our people will be better prepared to overcome stereotypes, and so lay the basis for peace and joint action toward the integral human development of the region.

Conclusion

        Life-destroying violence is a grave sinfulness of our times from which humankind needs to be redeemed. We condemn violence of all kinds, especially its extreme forms of the killing of innocents, abortion and terrorism. We pray for the gift and power of God to lead us to that healing redemption. We pray that we become instruments and ministers of that healing for our brothers and sisters burdened with the grave suffering of violence. Through a spirit of prayer and penance and sincere commitment to life-giving self-sacrifice may we become, in the likeness of Jesus our Saviour, suffering prophets and servants among our suffering peoples.
 
 

        South Asia is in a state of ferment. The ferment has been affecting the entire region. The violence that engulfs the subcontinent quite regularly in manifold ways is only an outward surge of what has been taking place deep in the heart of the socio-cultural processes of the region. Several powerful forces are at work.
        We want to be in touch with what has been happening to our people at as deep a level as possible. We want to trace the sources of violence, assess its nature, its ferocity, and its manifestation. we have to see what their consequences are and how they affect our people. We are sure that it is God that is speaking in and through these happenings. We have to listen to the voice of God, in and through the voice of the people. This voice arises from their sufferings and afflictions due to the violence to which they are subjected. It is our pastoral responsibility to see whether we can organise our pastoral actions and reduce violence in our society; and even to eliminate violence, if that is at all possible; and to make life secure. This has to be in collaboration with all who are committed to its eradication.

1. Some Common Factors

        The countries of the South Asia region share many common problems. There is widespread discontent in and disaffection towards the contemporary state of the society in which the people find themselves. The great majority of the people feel betrayed by the economic trends in planning. Benefits of political freedom from the colonial rulers have gone only to the elites and their allies. Minimum facilities -- drinking water, medical care, transport, literacy -are still out of reach for the great majority of the rural poor. Since they have been silent and not vocal, no attention has been paid to these and their needs. Migration from the rural to the urban centres continues unabated. The urban slums swell with new arrivals.
        There is disaffection towards the social system and processes. Inequality of a grotesque kind still prevails in society. People still live in walled-in situations of caste and class demarcation. In this situation, communal and fundamentalist forces are active and aggravate the situation.
        Democratic culture is on trial. Tainted ministers and political leadership combine to bring disrepute on the democratic experiments underway in the region. They are in collusion with administrators, financial institutions, industrial houses and leading executives. Dictatorship, military rule, and corrupt oligarchy in some regions further threaten the democratic experiment, Not much consolation is derived when we look at the tensions and consequent militarization, maintained at enormous cost to the people, between the countries of the region. Neighbourly relationship is far from these nations. Hostility and antagonism still mark our relationships.
        Ethnic, cultural and regional groups are restive, showing that they are uncomfortable with diversity and its demands upon individual or collective identity. Ethnic conflicts frequently irrupt and worsen the fragile relationship that exists among groups.
        In this rather fragile situation, natural calamities like drought, floods, epidernics, industrial disasters (Bhopal cyanide gas release and mass genocide) occur, and discontent is further aggravated.

2. The Ugly Face of Violence

        A brother beating a brother to submission, even to annihilation, is a part of the primal vision and reflection of the human tragedy, as shown and articulated in the Judeo-Christian tradition. The Cain-Abel encounter still haunts the imagination of us all. Tales of brutal entry into the sanctuary of another human person, to control and desecrate the inner sanctuary called freedom, violating it irretrievably by forcing someone else's will and decision upon it, climaxing in the demonic act of destroying one's body, physical possessions, dwelling place or place of worship, have been heard with frightening frequency in our times. There is revulsion at such tales, yet the human species is incapable of ridding itself of the most puzzling and humiliating traits in the nature of our constitution.
        Life instinctively flees destruction. Every living being runs away from pain, yet can inflict pain on other living creatures. How can we digest this ignoble phenomenon and explain the fact that we who are afraid of violence and pain and do not want to be destroyed can inflict pain upon others and destroy others?
        We live in a global culture that feeds violence into our consciousness. The press, cinema, radio, television and political arena nourish the culture of violence. Our economic order is built on a violent system of competition and brutal attacks on rivals. Urban life is marked by housebreaking, murder and looting. Endless reportings of scam and corruption, medical practices like abortion, euthanasia, eugenics, etc., further corrode culture's sensibilities for life.
        In this paper, I will describe the phenomena of violence, followed by efforts at understanding violence, and finally, consider elements of a Christian response.

3. The Phenomena of Violence

        How can one explain the terrible phenomenon of the human conscience blinded by the irrational, bestial, and cruel forces in the human person? Think of what is going on, for example, in the Delhi crowd, which poured kerosene on people and set fire to them. Before that, the victims' hair was pulled out, nails extracted, and eyes gouged! How can humans who strive to build and live in a "home" set afire the "homes" of others? People who lived for ages as friends, neighbours, and colleagues, suddenly give way "to the archaic rogue element in our consciousness which throws our whole moral being out of gear in extreme situations" (D.S. Meini, Lokayan, 3/4/ 5).
        This happened in Delhi, Bombay and Bhagalpur, where people were killed and parts of their bodies displayed to public gaze to create fear. Similar occurrences happened in Sri Lanka in the days of the JVP-Government encounter.
        It is difficult to conceive that an ethnic group that clings to its identity and promotes and fosters it can turn against another ethnic group and try to exterminate it. It defies our imagination to think that people devoted to God in a particular tradition can turn against those of another tradition and take up weapons to destroy them and their places of worship.
        Throughout the sub-continent we find a pattern of violence: bloodshed and destruction of life in Sri Lanka, a bloody feud between Nagas and Kukis in Northeast India, Bodo-Santal bloodshed and arson in Assam, violence and forced migration from Bhutan. Karachi and Kashmir have seem months-long violence, bloodshed and arson. The bloody militancy, state repression, and prolonged trauma have just abated in the Punjab. We have seen attacks on adivasi hamlets by the police in Singbhum, communal riots and massive killings in Bombay, Delhi, and Kanpur, the shooting of dalit Christians and the burning of their homes in Chundur in Andhra, the killing of landless agricultural villagers in Aurangabad in Bihar, the kidnapping of people and extraction of huge sums of money as ransom in Bihar, the stripping, parading and sexual assaults on women as acts of vengeance, the keeping of children as bonded labourers in Ghaziabad in Sivakashi, the recent shooting of innocent people as result of Shi'a-Sunni tensions in Pakistan. Modern metropolitan areas like Delhi, Bombay, Hyderabad, Kanpur, Bhagalpur, Moradabad, Jamshedpur, Ranchi, Meerat, Surat, and Ahmedabad have had bitter experiences of arson, looting and bloodshedding. Ayodhya. was preceded and succeeded by bloodshed and arson in the footsteps of the rabid pro-Hindu nationalists.
        Since this variety of violent episodes take place with frequency, a kind of classification might help us understand, analyse, and plan our pastoral actions.

A. Social Violence

     a. Inter-Caste Violence

        A major disgrace of the Indian society is the centuries-old caste system. It has fragmented Hindu society into four divisions, with the lowest caste, and those outside the caste structure, experiencing the most abominable suppression. Enough is enough, the "low-caste" dalits (oppressed classes) began to tell Indian society. Social reformers, and educators have contributed to an awakening among the dalits, and have generated a high degree of consciousness among the victims of the evil system. The growing consciousness and assertiveness by the dalits have been viewed with envy, jealousy, resentment and fear among the upper castes that for centuries kept them submissive, silent and inert. "For centuries, you enjoyed a superior social status," the upper caste people are being told, "and you wanted the continued benefit of being served by us. This we will no longer accept," say the dalits.
        The upper caste people, accustomed to centuries of master-vassal relationship, reject this. Their immediate response is repression, and violent clashes follow when the dalits refuse to budge. The widespread retaliatory measures adopted by the upper castes include killing resisters, burning down their huts, dishonouring their women and similar violent acts. Chundur in the state of Andhra, and Arwal, Benji, Pipra, and Belchi in Bihar State are notorious for the criminal acts of violence perpetrated by the upper castes working with the police. Helpless and unarmed protesting dalit agricultural labourers have been shot down in large numbers.
        Apart from such open violence, the institution of caste entails other forms of violence:

• social violence: a group is forced out of the fourfold caste hierarchy by forces of self-interest;
• cultural violence: dalit culture is degraded and dismissed as inferior by the upper caste. The tribals of Central India stand to lose their languages and cultures because of the hidden strategies of non-tribals;
• religious violence: deliberate definition of caste as a religious value with scriptural foundation, so that practicing it becomes a meritorious religious act;
• economic violence: people are denied opportunities in many economic sectors and confined to only one profession, namely one of traditionally-held menial jobs.

     b. Communal Violence

        Central to the specifically South-Asian phenomenon of communal violence is the concept of religious identity used for political mobilisation, with a view to deriving economic and social benefits. Fundamentalism feeds on this brand of communalism.
        The subcontinent has been experiencing this form of violence since the early days of the freedom struggle. Political and humanist awakening among the British-ruled Indians was channelled via the religious sphere both by Hindus and Muslims in the pre-freedom struggle days. In spite of Hindu-Muslim interaction for more than 400 years, the two religions kept their distance from each other.
        It is thus understandable that some Muslim leaders began to be suspicious of the designs of the Congress leadership that grew abundantly from Hindu cultural-religious roots. Some Hindu leaders, in turn, viewed Muslim self-reform initiatives with suspicion. Eventually the Muslim group broke away, as did Hindus such as V.D. Savarkar and his followers. The two breakaway groups moved toward their respective goals and the cleavage between them widened.
        Mutual suspicion, competition, antogonism and mounting hostility eventually led to partition. The bloody violence that marked the process climaxed in the communal killing in which thousands perished. Killings, destruction of homes, and forced migration across the newly demarcated border, all of which left bitter and hostile memories, characterized the partition. That memory, still fresh in the minds of those affected, is being fanned by political leaders for narrow, mean and questionable political advantages. Regular irruptions of communal flare-ups, even in unsuspected areas, have made communal violence a major problem The political parties are unwilling to denounce the violence, or else they are determined to prosper on the ruins of burnt homes and destroyed lives.
        A communal riot often begins over an insignificant issue like the teasing of a girl of one community by someone from the other, a criminal act, a procession with provocative slogans or songs, or even by deliberate incitement by goons. It soon becomes massive and uncontrollable. The communal virus has gone deep into our system to the extent that a small spark, or even a rumour, is sufficient to become a conflagration.
        There are more immediate reasons for continued hostility towards Muslims by sections of Hindu society. Hinduism had for centuries enjoyed rashtra-dharma-samucaya -- an identification of state and religion. With the coming of Islam and later of the British, it lost its privileges. The "Hindu Renaissance" kindled hopes, and some leaders began to dream of a Hindu restoration. When freedom was about to be achieved, they aimed at a restoration of the former Hindu sovereignty. The trend towards a "secular society" upset them, as they found it unacceptable to be an equal among others.
        Now they hold that if Pakistan has become an Islamic state, why should India not become a Hindu state? The secular character of the Constitution remains the main block to the realization of this dream. Beneath many communal and fundamentalist movements lies this hidden agenda. The Hindu agenda is kept alive by repeated efforts at the restoration of destroyed temples. Muslims feel that the intransigence of this section of the Hindu community can be met only with decisive "actions," and the result is communal irruptions in the region. Kashmir remains the symbol of this ever-alive problem.

        c. Agrarian Violence

        Landlessness is a major cause of unrest that often leads to violence. There are historical and cultural reasons for this unhappy situation in which people born as Indians have no land as their own. Landlessness affects their identity. Even the few pieces of legislation enacted to correct this distortion have not been satisfactorily implemented. Bonded labour, a uniquely unjust institution, is a direct consequence of this malady Leftist groups active among the landless agricultural labourers have insisted on the labourers' regaining lost land as well as social position. This awakening has led to a bold affirmation of the rights of the landless to regain the lands of which they had been deprived. The fear, suspicion and anger of the landlords leads them to resort to violence. In Bihar, Andhra and West Bengal, agrarian violence has become endemic.
        In some states, mild efforts have been made through court orders to allot government lands or those occupied by the upper castes to the landless. When the allottee comes to occupy the land, there is resistance and violence, and usually the police take the side of the landlords.

     d. Ethnic Violence

        Domestic conflicts in South Asia are largely due to the multiplicity of races. Ethnocentrism often generates feelings of superiority of one's own cultural group at the expense of others. Demands for autonomy and self-rule become increasingly vocal, and even violent. Groups that may have social structures and value systems that are not necessarily recognised by other such groups often take recourse, when resisted, to violence.
        Such situations prevail in India in at least four regions: Assam, Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir, and the states of the North East. In Assam, in spite of the administration being in the hands of locals, the large-scale presence of non-Assamese, especially of those from across the borders, adds to the conflict. In the Punjab, the increase of the non-Punjabi populations, and the government's failure to grant social, religious, cultural and political demands, created a situation in which violent methods appeared legitimate. Terrorism was born, and the Punjab experienced a decade of violence.
        Striving towards nationhood presupposes managing and resolving conflicts among the many ethnic and cultural groups, as well as creating and maintaining healthy interaction among them. The countries of the sub-continent are experimenting with the concept of "nation state." Ethnicity is a decisive factor to be dealt with cautiously and justly. Ethnicity may be marked by a common, shared heritage. Historical, cultural and linguistic elements are to be profoundly respected.
        An ethnic group may deem the relative autonomy it enjoyed before becoming part of the newly federated political and administrative system to be their non-negotiable right. This is not easily granted by any nation that abjures violence. Moreover, when a particular ethnic group enjoys a dominant position in the state administration, this can be interpreted as favoured treatment and a threat to other ethnic groups. Grievances surface when a particular ethnic group perceives that another is being favoured. The political analyst Professor Rajni Kothari states:

        e. Terrorism and Violence

        Open war, guerrilla war and terrorism are three vestiges of the bestial instinct in humans which is expressed in an anachronistic institution called war. Responding to a communications media enticed by the "news value" of terrorism, terrorists have fashioned a weapon that has been used increasingly at the international level. South Asia has been regularly exposed to this menace. As an organised system of intimidation, terrorism strikes at the most unexpected times and places, and employs its own particular stratagems. The desire to highlight grievances by intimidating the government, striking terror in the people, and alienating one section of the people from another, motivate such actions. Ethnic, religious or other groups desiring to seize power, to extort concessions, to have their demands met, to withdraw laws they find distasteful, or to release leaders from prison, gain public attention for their causes by employing such measures.
        Shooting bus passengers, planting bombs in crowded places, subverting rail lines, and blowing up aeroplanes or oil pipelines, are among the acts committed by terrorists. Punjab, Jammu-Kashmir, and the North East have seen more than a decade of such violence. The growing Bodo agitation is marked by terrorist activity. The ULFA militancy has recourse to terrorist methods. Such methods demoralize society, and the state feels helpless and takes desperate steps. The state often reacts to terrorism with its own violent measures, which often result in many casualties.

        f. Elections and Violence

        Electoral maturity, a necessary component of sound democratic culture and tradition, has yet to characterize the electoral processes in the subcontinent. The picture is one of struggle and experimentation, the process marred by several unhealthy signs, the chief of which is violence. Agricultural feudal lords and politicians with criminal records or links thwart sound electoral processes by instigating violence. Elimination of citizens' names from the electoral list, booth capturing, elimination of potential opponents, creating disturbances at the time of meetings or voting, and intimidation of candidates or workers of rival parties, are frequent forms of electoral violence. In some places, this has led to bloodshed; killing candidates of a rival party, chopping off arms or legs, or burning the homes of those suspected of not voting for one's candidates, have been reported. The promotion of sound democratic culture and growth in literacy and education that promotes civic consciousness and responsibility can help reduce electoral violence.

        g. Gender Violence

        In spite of the high place accorded to the female in the divine realm, with female deities venerated far more than male deities, the place of women in society is precarious. In the cultural practices of the subcontinent, discrimination begins at home, is reinforced at school, and is rampant in society, places of worship, bridal relationships, courts of law, the wage system and other employment practices, and civic and legislative bodies. The overall result is the degradation and devaluation of the woman in society. Against this background, the assaults on the very integrity of the woman must be understood. Women are beaten by authoritarian husbands, sexually assaulted, and even killed by sadistic perverts.

B. State Violence

        Over the years, the identity of the state has been evolving. It has fluctuated from crude dictatorship to liberal democracy, bordering on anarchy, paving the way back of military dictatorship. Martial law replaces civilian self-government. The process of taking power is often bloody, the worst victim being the individual citizen. The individual, in spite of the assistance one gets from the state, has suffered much at its hands.
        Because of the privileged position enjoyed by the state, it is but natural that political parties, citizens' groups, trade unions, grassroots movements, and elite-class caste groups all try to gain access to the state. Group interest is a major factor, often at the expense of the less vigilant and privileged. When the power-mongers reach the helm of state, dissenting groups are discriminated against, and a kind of violence is set in motion against all dissenters.

        Some of these violent measures and tactics are:

        1) Oppressive and draconian laws, enforced with violent methods. In India, we have had many of the so-called 'black laws" (MISS, TADA are the most notorious). The nation's freedom fighters would be shocked to know the perversions perpetrated by their own progeny and successors.
        2) Unrestricted police practices. Violent seizure of alleged offenders, torture practised with immunity in the police lock-up, custodial deaths, disappearance and rapes -- all these shock our sensibility and result in loss of faith in the system.
        3) Under the guise of national security, use of the armed forces to deal with internal disturbances.
        4) Suppression of the rights of citizens to dissent. Various methods, whether direct or indirect, are employed to discourage, terrorize, suppress or even eliminate dissenters.
        5) Intimidation of those who go to the police to report cases of aggression or violence.
        6) Militarization. Funds that should be used for the welfare of the people are diverted to the purchase and development of arms. Military buildup in one country provokes the same in its neighbours. South Asian cultures that have long advocated non-violence and the superiority of the spirit over the physical have succumbed to this culture of violence.
        7) Under the cloak of emergency, the state assumes extraordinary powers. People are arrested without warrant and detained indefinitely without proper judicial process. Extra-judicial executions, disappearance of those arrested by the security forces, faked "encounter" deaths, attacks on family, members of the detained are among the steps taken by the state.

        Because of the close relationship that exists between the human community and its culture, the problem of cultural violence deserves attention. This includes both violence against a particular culture, and that of violence by a culture toward others.
        Constitutive elements of a given culture, such as the beliefs, values, customs and institutions that give identity and solidarity to a people, need to be analysed in order to locate the violence ingrained in them. It can happen that in the process of the encounter of one culture with another, unavoidable at this juncture of history, anything that will eventually lead to the destruction of the home culture should be regarded as an act of aggression against that culture. Conquering cultures tread upon the integrity of conquered cultures. Territorial conquest is a clear case of violence, but cultural conquest is subtle, and the nature of its violence is not easily detected. For example, Baba Amte has stated that displacement of tribals from their natural habitat is a major form of violence, even genocide. "To remove tribal people from their natural habitat would be cultural genocide" (Lokayan, ibid, p.44).

D. Economic Violence

        Closely allied to cultural violence is economic violence. Its worst form is the way in which wealth dominates poverty, with the rich working silently but effectively to keep the poor under their control. There is usually no bloodshed, but the life of the poor is diminished, and the poor remain as dry leaves on a tree.
        Often socio-political conflict and violence are rooted in economic imbalance. Development is in vogue. Lack of development and underdevelopment are often due to an unbalanced distribution of economic goods and resources. Economic opportunities and services are unevenly distributed. Growth without equity creates discontent that develops into conflict. Economic planning and services are not guided by principles of social justice.
        Participatory democracy and distributive justice should go hand in hand. Where there is discrimination or deprivation, the scales will tip and generate discontent.
        In India, the vast majority of the people belong to the low income group, or those without any income at all. The regional, national and international elites have the economic and political power to set terms and dictate prices of essential commodities and raw materials. They control and regulate industrial processes and manipulate political power. They use the media to force the values and interests of the upper classes upon the minds of the poor. Advertising, couched in sophisticated and attractive forms, is a subtle form of violence against people's slender resources and inner sanctuary.
        When this process reaches the international level, the damage is irreparable. India and other so-called Third World countries lie at the feet of the international financial institutions and their political allies. Currency values and economic policies are dictated by this new set of conquerors. This process of colonization without occupation is proving to be the most humiliating of relationships. It is a very subtle form of violence at the global and national level that will soon reach the smallest villages if it is not contained.
        It is clear that we in the subcontinent are being invaded by the illusory values, interests and standards of a decadent Western culture, foisted upon all peoples as normative. It leads to an unchecked quest for profit at the expense of values, consumerism that kills the human spirit, hedonism that degrades the human, breakup of family life, and corrupt transactions in public and private life, in other words, a serious decline in morality.

E. Structural and Institutional Violence

        Value systems beneficial to the oppressor, introduced into society and put into operation, produce structural violence. The caste system, with its consequent untouchability, is an example of structural violence that oppresses victims in a systematic way. Bonded labour is another form of institutionalised structural violence. Child labour, drug trafficking and traffic in human labour are forms of institutional violence that have been practised for ages. Gender discrimination is institutional violence against women. The unorganised labour sector is a widespread form of institutionalised in justice, as are different wage scales for various groups, with women or children earning less than men for the same kind of work, or one societal group paid more or less than another group for the same work. Money-lending, bribes and other scams are sophisticated forms of violence.
        We can conclude this brief survey of the kinds of violence built into social structures, values and institutions by referring to the hidden consequences of violence noted by the political analyst Rajni Kothari:

Peace is not absence of war. The depressing reality is that millions of people are victims of malnutrition and starvation every year. Thus the opposite of peace is not war, but violence which includes structural deprivation on a massive scale, widespread atrocities against the landless and other poor, and genocidal acts of some governments against ethnic minorities (Rajni Kothari, Liberative Peace, p.21).

        What is at work in violence? The following elements appear to be central to violence: power, rights, and consciousness. I present here a brief explanation of each.

1. Power

        Power can be economic, political, cultural or religious. Power exerts influence and pressure on others who are incapable of resisting. Victims of violence yield to the forces o`f violence primarily because they are powerless. Because of the potential of wealth to put pressure on people and structures, economic power seems to be the most dangerous. We need not search far to notice how money power prevails over the state, religion, institutions, organisations, in fact, over every area of social and political life. Allied with economic power is political power. Democracy all over the world has been experiencing the abuse of state and political power, both of which are ultimately sustained by economic power. Authoritarianism, dictatorship and militarisation of the state are supported and fed by the power of money.

2. Rights

        Violence often results when voices are raised against privation, denial, or suppression of rights. Violence can also result when there is a perceived clash of rights. The Ayodhya episode is an illustration of such violence.

3. Consciousness of Lost Rights

        Consciousness of lost or suppressed rights acts like a spark that ignites tension, conflict and violence. Consciousness of one's rights sheds new light on the areas of human society that deny or suppress the inalienable rights of individuals irrespective of gender, caste, race or religion.
        The following steps are involved in the process of violence:

1) Experience of repression, subjugation, or deprivation. For instance, the institution and practice of bonded labour, child employment etc.

2) Birth and growth of consciousness as to the nature, intensity, source, consequences of exploitation. For example, non-formal education or literacy drives make people aware of oppression. This is crucial for the eventual encounter with and elimination of the unjust system or practice.

3) Preliminary steps to get rid of oppressive and enslaving customs or practices. For instance, bonded labourers, in the light of their new consciousness, refuse to oblige the "master." In order to succeed, mobilisation of the entire community is needed and symbols of in justice or oppression are essential. The affected groups must constantly keep before their eyes these symbols to accelerate the movement.

4) Politicization of the issue.

5) Resistance or reaction by the oppressor. It is not easy for the oppressor to give up the benefits and privileges enjoyed for centuries. For instance, they might issue threats, cut off the water supply, or ally themselves with the police to terrorize those who protest.

6) Decisive and determined actions, sustained by the entire community over a prolonged period are needed to put a end to the oppressive practice.This final step is often met with brutal violence. The landlords, in the case of "dalite awakening," frequently have recourse to Nazi-type responses: burning down entire villages, shooting fleeing dissenters, raping the women, etc. Often the police directly or indirectly support these acts. The state some times acts in a similar way when unjust laws are questioned or defied.

1) A concept of society based on the scientific method (the Hobbesian project that man is wolf to man).

2) The concept of social engineering on all those "objects" defined backward or retarded.

3) The concept that the infliction of pain and suffering on the victims can be justified in the name of science.

4) The concept of triage which combines notions of obsolescence dispensability, whereby a society, subculture or species is condemned death because rational judgement has deemed it as incurable and obsolete.

The protests of groups and communities, of tribals, the rural and urban poor, and women, have been increasingly ignored on the plea that their sacrifices are required in the "national interest," or the interests of the majority. Millions of people have been displaced by various government activities, on the justification that their displacement would benefit the nation. Real communities have been deprived of their forests, their grazing lands, even their water, on the plea that the majority, "the nation," needs them. Whole strata of society are being denied even the basic resources of survival, for these resources are required by the "nation," "in the public interest," to build cities, hotels, cars, and luxury houses (Growing Amnesia, P. 150).

Underlying both the notion of the modern state and modern science is a monolithic world view. The tragedy of modernisation in the Third World is doubly Violent. It has sprung not only from the violence of the West through colonisation and science but also from the modernist impulse of our elites, internalized without a clue to its doubts or its genealogy. Independence has thus turned out to be literally a celebration of science. It was a "tryst with destiny," as Nehru dubbed it. "Destiny" belonged to those who made friends with science. There was a Euclidean clarity about this commitment and a touch of innocence about the faith in the power of rationalist science and technocratic projects. As dam, laboratory, railway or hospital, it becomes a basic test of statist goals and scientific endeavour ... Today one realizes that such innocence has become ironic. Science has failed to deliver. Yet science continues to be the pursuit of the State, the energy for the perpetual machine of statist endeavours (Lokayan, 3.4/5, p.40).

        It is the person of Jesus Christ that is the model, source and inspiration for a Christian response to the problem of violence. Jesus was strong in the proclamation of the Father's message and even stronger in patience and endurance. He did not defend himself when attacked, and offered no resistance when humiliation was heaped on him. This extraordinary moral and spiritual power was based on love. Injury he never repaid by injury. When arrested, Peter came to his defence with a weapon he had, but Jesus rebuked him. The climax was Jesus' prayer on the cross to ask forgiveness for his enemies.

1. The Question of Credibility

        Before we consider the kind of response violence in the subcontinent calls for, it is worth raising the problem of credibility. We begin by investigating how the terms "violence" and "non-violence" resonate in the Judeo-Christian religio-cultural landscape. The culture that one finds in the Old Testament is one of defence of one's culture and religion against hostile forces. We remember the conquest of land that belonged to others, the extermination of conquered races, the frequent recourse to armed action, even in religious affairs, the appropriation of the name of Yahweh to justify slaughter, and the punishment of violators of law or covenant by violent methods.
        To a great extent, the Christian tradition continues this disedifying attitude. Despite Jesus' admonition of Peter and the disciples and his teaching in the Sermon on the Mount about turning the other cheek, Christian history is steeped in violence. Granted, the early martyrs did not take to violence in resisting persecution. But after the establishment of the Christian religion, there was a return to the culture of coercion, compulsion and massive violence. Charlemagne established the Frankish Christian empire in Gaul-Saxony by force of arms and imperial edicts. Feudal times show theologians discussing the just war theory propounded by St Augustine. It was not found incongruous that saints, not to speak of religious leaders, openly advocated recovery of the holy land in Palestine by force of arms. Crusaders cultivated the culture of religious violence. Religious leaders advocated and blessed the slaughter of Muslims in order to recover the "glory and honour" of Christ.
        What followed was an era of colonial conquest and extermination of peoples. These practices were reconciled with the religious practices and belief systems of the times. There were also protests, for example, those of Bartholomeo de las Casas, but they were far too few and in the end ineffective and marginal.

     Rights

        Basic to these unpleasant aspects of our history is the fact that the rights of peoples were not a prime consideration. Injustice arises when rights are violated or denied. Advocating peace will remain ineffective without attending to human rights. In Church and Human Rights, Jean-Francois Six examined the history of the human rights movement in Europe and in the Church. He acknowledges that even if the ideal of human rights has roots in the Judeo-Christian ethos, it developed outside that ethos and often found a convinced enemy in the authorities and practice of the Catholic Church.
        First came the process of lawmaking, which was intended as a defence of the weak against the powerful. It took centuries for Christian Europe to condemn slavery. For centuries, the Church endorsed a non-egalitarian feudal society, softening the side-effects through works of charity. Individuals like de las Casas, Suarez and Grotius prepared the philosophy which took shape in America with the Bill of Rights (1778), and in France with the Declaration of the Rights of Man in 1789. The traditional alliance of Church and throne forced the Catholic Church to condemn the principles of the French Declaration of the Rights of Man. There continued to be in the Church resistance to freedom of conscience and religion, probably because of the fear that they might undermine the coherence of a Christian society and threaten the primacy of God's will, as expressed through the Church. Even the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man by the United Nations in 1948 was not accepted until recently by the Catholic Church (The Tablet, 6 November, 1993, p. 1452).

        Justice

        It is encouraging to note that justice is becoming a dominant concern in the various Christian denominations. In the absence of that consciousness, it was not possible to deal effectively with the growing injustice that breeds violence. The oppressed and the deprived may sometimes take to violence. The oppressors have recourse to violence. In either case, the problem is injustice. Unless a clear stand is taken in favour of rights and justice, our initiatives to respond to the problem will be futile.
        The Church as an institution is perhaps ill-equipped or inadequate to respond effectively to the problem of universal violence. We are wont to express opposition in a general, theoretical way to any kind of violence and have advocated a kind of pacifism. Peace was a major Christian concern before justice emerged as the necessary response to present-day problems. One reason is that we have supported the status quo and undisturbed continuance of inherited systems.
        To illustrate the silence of the Church before the culture of violence in our own times, I offer the example of Nazi plans to eliminate the "useless eaters" (i.e., madmen). Experimenting with these people began in 1939 in German psychiatric hospitals and gradually came to include "inferior materials" like Jews, Gypsies and Poles. The experiments moved from hospitals to concentration camps that had been operating as industrial research laboratories organised by doctors and scientists. One shudders at the feebleness of the Christian conscience in Christian Europe when this experimentation was going on for over six years. Perhaps the reason was that Hitler could serve Catholic interests. In any case, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the crown of modern scientific methods, were not far behind.

The Gospel will find its way in any culture, even the most secularized one, uncovering its internal contradictions, challenging its alienating and oppressive features, strengthening and encouraging its inherent life-enhancing energies and responding to the search for healing and wholeness, for reconciliation and liberation. (Konrad Raiser, International Review of Mission, 331: 623-629, 1994)

2. Ways of Responding

        The following steps should be considered in our effort to respond to the problem of growing violence in our region.

        1) The cry from many sectors, especially from those who are victims of various kinds of violence, is for a new way of being humans in society, for a humanized relationship with the other members of society. The ways of interacting with society that we have inherited, the tools we have at hand, and our perception of the way to exercise our ministries all belong to a bygone era and culture.
        Victims of violence voice their concerns and protest the diminution of their person. They claim their right to have an equal share and place in the decision-making bodies of society, from the lowest to the highest levels they assert their right to have a say in the apportioning of the resources of the earth, in the employment of those tools and techniques by which these raw goods of the earth are processed and made useful sources for a full human life. Far too long have they remained suppressed, but now they are attaining a sound perception of what they are and what they have been denied. Therefore, they protest, but they are resisted when they do so. Violence and turbulence become unavoidable in this situation.
        The Gospel seeks to transform all cultures, but Christian culture has yet to become that transforming power. Rather, what we have today is a Christian culture that is either ambiguous or neutral and not yet charged with transformative potential. It is ambiguous and neutral because it best suits the status quo in a given society. For example, why do the officials of the Ministry of Education seek our help in education? Because it helps them attain their own objectives-. Education is the finest too] of today's consumer culture which breeds on capitalism. Capitalism looks at the good of the individual, and not that of the whole society. Individuals, groups and cultures seek their own advancement, rather than that of the whole society.
        However, the victims of violence are shouting to have their voices heard and their rights recognised. They are demanding a social order in which attentive listening to grievances, and acting upon them, are done. Marginalised, silenced, deprived, individuals as well as groups are in need of securing equal rights. This requires a new culture, education and social engineering, quite different from those to which our culture has been accustomed.
        Since all forms of violence centre around the rights of the individual or group, the Christian response to the problem of violence must begin at this foundational level. It is strongly recommended that Christians participate in the many human rights' and civil liberties' groups working in our countries. It is only by joining hands with secular groups that one can cross the cultural barriers created by religions in the subcontinent.

        2) Struggling to secure the rights of every individual or group should be the most basic of all steps to initiate a more adequate response to the problem of violence. When the people wake up to realize the distorted and oppressed nature of their basic rights, the denial of justice, and the privation of one's status as a human being, the spirit within will stir up and initiate those steps that will help them secure their lost identity. It may also often provoke violent reactions.
        Therefore, it is proper that as a first step we take measures to inculcate esteem for the defence, attainment and restoration of the rights of every citizen. It is also important that the Gospel's entry into the cultures of the region be undertaken by the Church through these new avenues. The Church should take decisive steps to lead the liberative struggles of the deprived sections of the subcontinent: minorities, women, tribals, dalits, etc. It has been pointed out above that it is in these sectors that the irruption of violence is more frequent.

        3) The Christian link between silent, submissive, suppressed situations and violence is reconciliation rooted injustice. Resentment, feelings of revenge, and the cry for justice need to be more quickly recognised and responded to. Only then will the ground be ready for efforts at reconciliation. But reconciliation that is not grounded in justice will be ineffective and will support the offender, and strengthen the structures of oppression.

        4) Here a note on the historical dimension of the problem of violence is appropriate. The Buddhist and Jain traditions made unique contributions to Indian culture by introducing the value of non-violence. Out of supreme regard for life in all its aspects, non-violence as a moral value was introduced, practised and enjoined upon the adherents of these traditions. Life, even of the least creature, should be honoured and respected, and no one has right to destroy it. Asoka, the great statesman, made ahimsa a state policy. The killing of animals was restricted and he published a list of birds and animals that should not be killed or ill-treated on specified days of the year.
        Gandhi, engaged in a campaign against the colonial conquerors, had recourse to non-violent methods of agitation. Satyagraha was that method. The power of truth generates and releases a moral-spiritual force capable of overcoming evil, without itself becoming an evil means. Respect for the opponent was central to Gandhi's non-violent campaign. He was prepared to undergo suffering himself in order to allow the truth to surface, and insisted that the opponent should in no way be ill-treated, dishonoured or belittled.
        The culture that Gandhi sought to form was based on full recognition of the human person, be it victim or opponent. There was respect and reverence for the person but hatred for the evil advocated by the opponent. To free the opponent from an entrenched evil position, he was prepared to suffer vicariously. These are unique cultural contributions in a country that both before and after has had recourse to violence, Do these antecedents offer us matter for reflection, and planned action to counter the surge of violence on the subcontinent? It is with a culture that, on the one hand, is given to growing violence and, on the other hand, has non-violence as a supreme value, that Christianity must enter into creative dialogue and make efforts to respond.

        5) The Christian response to the problem of violence calls for a correct understanding, critique and just exercise of power. There exists a relationship between power, wealth and social status. Power is decisive in human relationships, and has been used to appropriate social positions and to acquire wealth. This combination is suitable to exploit and oppress others.
        What we need is a critique of power, but it is here that the question of credibility is recalled. Authoritarianism is rampant in the Church at all levels and vitiates our efforts to critique power in society. It may be recalled that when the Pope intervened to plead for amnesty for those condemned to death by Ayatollah Khomeini, the Iranian religious leader retorted by asking where the Pope was when the people that resisted the dictatorship of the previous regime were tortured to death, maimed, and even mutilated?

        6) Christian social teaching has been trying to catch up with the problems of industrialised and capitalist societies. The Church has to demand the rights of every individual to a just share in the goods of the earth, and a partnership in the organisation of self-govenance. Profit is the major motivating factor in all economic activities. But to absolutise this and permit the reign of an economic policy that is neither ethical nor "human" is to create an atmosphere favourable to the growth of discontent and violence.

        7) Such a demand has necessarily to rest on the foundation of justice in an unjust society. Our ministries should embody and articulate more and more these demands of justice. Our interpretation of the Bible, especially of the New Testament, has to be in the context of this basic issue. Our catechesis should embody this dimension, so that the entire Christian community be eventually imbued with this understanding of the Gospel.

        8) For millennia, the subcontinent has nurtured a culture of inequality. The damage done by caste as a cultural element and as an institution perpetrating and perpetuating the unjust system has been pointed out above. What is needed is to condemn caste at all levels and to pursue a sound human fellowship based on equality. Educational institutions are expected to play a leading role in forming groups drawn from all castes and classes and creating interactions among them, accompanied by regular analyses and reflections on the basis of human fellowship in action.

        9) Christian participation in the struggles of the deprived often does not go beyond appeals for prayer or ineffectual statements. We have no tradition of agitation or campaigning, no history of struggle. Without that experience, no amount of theorizing and resolutions will be of help. When one looks back at the history of the many movements in the subcontinent, including the freedom struggle, we see that Christian participation has been quite limited. Few trade union leaders have come from Christian educational institutions, where agitation for securing rights is not much tolerated. Training in strategies to secure lost rights and oppose injustice is not yet a part of our educational culture. The status quo is the normal atmosphere. There are large numbers of peoples' movements, but Christian initiative, presence and participation are quite limited. Without that experience, it is futile to dream of eliminating violence.

        10) Closely linked with the experience of the struggles of the people is the need for systematic study and analysis of the structures of violence, of exposing these and making these materials available. We should be constantly monitoring the events in the society: their origin, causes, manifestations, implications etc. This also will help sharpen the understanding of the struggles of the people and their efforts to get rid of evil systems and structures. In other words, a healthy balance between involvement in the struggles of the afflicted and regular reflection with co-workers will give us proper perspectives to understand and take part with appropriate strategies.

        11) The phrase "Christian response" can be narrow and connote sectarianism. It has been a pattern that the Christian community takes the initiative only when issues connected with church institutions, rights or personnel are threatened or are under attack. When members of other communities are attacked, the Christian response is meagre. This sectarian approach is unhealthy. A proper Christian response imples that the entire Christian community feels at one with those affected by the problems treated above and that it takes the necessary steps with people in general, because the Christian conscience does not permit anyone to suffer indignity or misfortune.

        12) We need to promote a culture of listening. Violence irrupts when all other remedies are exhausted. The major revolutions of world history irrupted when generations of pent-up feelings suddenly gave way. This could be prevented if there were an inbuilt mechanism for listening to grievances, monitoring the aggrieved situation, and initiating appropriate remedial actions. The political-social apparatus begins to respond only when agitation reaches the flash point. Only when violence on a massive scale irrupts are efforts made to attend to the problem, but then it is too late. Pre-empting violence by attending to the grievances before the festering begins has yet to become part of our democratic culture. The Church has the he responsibility to help create this awareness in civil society through our ministry of education.

        13) A major source of violence in the subcontinent is related to the particular understanding of the state. A nation is constituted of various ethnic, cultural, religious, economic and linguistic groups, each with its own understanding of its rights. What we need is fresh thinking about governance, citizenship, and the rights of people that belong to ethnic groups within the state. Similar rethinking about state boundaries, natural resources, like liver waters, forests, ocean waters, etc., is needed. Legitimate rights of people, to whatever state or nation they belong, should have priority over human creations like state or national boundaries. In the name of the unity and integrity of the country and its boundaries, or of patriotism and territorial rights, the suppression of human rights has been a casualty that is already part of the history of the subcontinent.
        In this context, no discussion of violence is realistic without recalling the "violent political situation" that has been created and maintained by the partition of the subcontinent. Political leadership has consistently shown insensitivity to the legitimate rights of the people and has maintained artificial tensions and hostilities. With the taking of initiatives to break the deadlock and to bring about greater understanding and communication across the peoples of these countries, the Church should support and contribute to current efforts towards a permanent removal of the sources of across-the border tensions. We think of blood relatives separated indefinitely on both sides of the border in Punjab. We could initiate joint reflections by raising basic questions like: Do the cultures, histories, and ethinico-moral values of the subcontinent provide us with resources that will enable the countries engaged in conflictual and competitive relationships to resolve them in a manner befitting an ancient civilization? Should bitter memories and wounded relationships be permitted to dominate over more humane and spiritual concerns and values?

        14) The Christian contribution to relief and rehabilitation wherever society is struck by natural or man-made calamities is recognised. But often we stop with that. Information, knowledge and the exposition of truth is a necessary vitalising element in a growing democracy. Organised research into any particular episode could be undertaken in order to ascertain the nature and extent of the violent irruption, the immediate and the remote causes and factors involved, the attitudes of different agents like the local or the state government and voluntary agencies, and the effects on those affected. Assuring the quality of the methods employed in research and making their findings available to the state and public is another service. Publishing well-researched and documented reports can be a good way of preventing catastrophes in the future. Exposure is often an effective step towards the remedy.

        15) Research into the sources of the Christian ethos and its possible contribution to a new cultural ethos in the land is a great need. The culture of violent action has become part of the current ethos. It is common to see a police constable, with the least provocation and exceeding his legal limits, mercilessly beat the suspected offender of a traffic rule. I have seen rickshaw pullers beaten by passengers after disputes over the fare. Ordinary disputes often slip into physical assaults. Bashing the disputant -- in the shop, at railway stations, on the street, etc. -- is a common experience. There are volcanoes in the hearts and psyches -- pent up feelings of hurt, rejection, humiliation, privation and social discontent. The subtle forms of violence to which practically everyone is subject suddenly irrupt and explode. We have to go to the roots of violence and rejection as they reside in each one and manifest themselves at the least provocation. Society in the subcontinent needs a socio-therapy. Society inflicts various forms of violence on its members, but the channels by which these can be attended to are rare. The hurts remain submerged, and the result is a distorted self-image. Much violence is due to such reserves of rejected and wounded feelings.

        16) The Church has to take a firmer stand whenever violence occurs. No matter what the nature of the violence, we are convinced that some major ethical values are at stake, and ordinary people are usually the victims. This is demanded of the Church, even if what happens is beyond the borders of the Christian community. The Church has to create a tradition of openly. boldly and corporately standing not only against violence but also of being present in situations where violence is likely to irrupt. We cannot allow ourselves to be accused of "merely standing by."

        17) For centuries the affairs of the people were controlled by the few who held all power in their hands. The economic, social, religious, and even political agenda were created and handled by these few, according to their needs and interests. There was no participation by the deprived. This has to be reversed. Empowering the poor and the powerless and promoting participation of all in the affairs of the social order are the only ways to remedy tensions and conflicts. We should notice that this is already taking place. Wherever resistance is felt, there is the temptation to act decisively. This decisive action can be along two broad lines of action, as we learn from history. We have the Marxian approach and the Gandhian experiment. The former was bent on making right, through violent action, what had been wrong for centuries. The latter was equally concerned about righting what was wrong, but took protracted, time-consuming and non-militant means in organisation and strategy. It was, however, deeply respectful of the human values which should guide human relationships. The wrong means to right wrongs do violence to persons and values.
        The Church must initiate, support and collaborate with movements aimed at restoring the right order, values and structures. But this should always be with sensitivity to the demands of non-negotiable values springing from the very nature of the human person as sharing in the very image and likeness of God. When this concern is accepted as normative, and efforts are made to rectify wrongs, discontent will give way to satisfaction, and violence to peace and right order, although this is a distant dream.

        I conclude with two passages from Prof. Kothari:

It seems that almost the only way of empowering communities and social groups to transform themselves and their position in the larger social structure is by enhancing their abilities to comprehend the prevailing social and economic processes, to articulate their own perceptions, experiences and demands, and to manoeuvre effectively in the prevailing political ethos. An important, perhaps the most important, instrumentality for this is literacy and education.

As the state is found more and more to be abdicating its role in ensuring justice and providing social minima of welfare (even in things like education, health, housing and basic amenities), new institutional models will be needed, new self-help collectives in the form of a new genre of cooperatives and workers' control ... leading to new structuring of spaces provided by civil society which were till now likely to get a new lease of life, a new "liberation" (Growing Amnesia, p. 153, 170).

These are people who have no feel for the periphery of a problem, for light and shade and the nuances in between. That is the source of their energy and, in a queer way, their integrity. It is useful to realise this before one tries to produce a solution. [1]

There are governments called people's governments that are really built on the destruction of a people's whole foundation. Not only have they overthrown a tyranny but a religion and a philosophy as well, and tossed away an accumulation of racial experience. Revolutions have to take place when living conditions become intolerable, but even a revolution should not destroy a people's framework. It should stop short of that. Tear that down and you will have a bewildered society, people who've lost their moorings and don't know where they're going.[2]